The Uniqueness of Experiences of Childhood - Essay Example

Are experiences of childhood culturally unique? Childhood is an extremely attractive stage of growth since children do not carry the burden of responsibility like adults. Children have little to worry about because their parents take care of them and supply them with their entire physical, emotional, financial and social needs. There exist universal similarities of childhood experiences that run across all the cultures of the world. Equally, some differences demonstrate that different cultures of the world treat their children differently. This study seeks to explore the differences and similarities in childhood experiences across cultures. More specifically, the study will focus on cross-cultural examples of childhood experiences. Childhood across Cultures Childhood depends on the environment and the culture where a child grows; different cultures handle their children in extremely different ways. The physical environment alters the games that children play. For example, children who live in the arctic countries cannot play outdoor games during winter. As such, they must learn how to play outdoor games (Fergus 2009, p. 257). On the contrary, those children who grow in the tropics enjoy a whole year of outdoor games and play because of the friendly tropic weather. Differences in technological advancement and the schooling system alter the childhood years of many children across cultures of the world (Fergus 2009, p. 258). Children living in the 21st century experience different childhood from those who lived in the 19th century. Therefore, the past is a strange country where things were done differently from the present. Countless transformations and alterations have taken place in the lives of children; due to changes in ways that parents treat their children and understanding of the general public on issues that concern children (Cross 1997, p. 50). Today, children do not have many responsibilities, and play characterizes their life instead of work. Further, majority of the children spend their days in school receiving formal education, but not working in the mines or farms for wages (Carol & Melvin 2003, p.777). Today, children spend their Childhood life within the family context instead of public life and children no longer produce, but they depend on their parents for upkeep and nourishment. In the recent past, it was legally and socially acceptable for a child to work in the factory. However, if this happens today, social workers will intervene to save the child, and this will bring serious legal penalties to the owner of the factory and the parents of that child (Carol & Melvin 2003, p.778). Among the American colonial families, all people in the society respected an assiduous girl. At the age, of four, children used to knit mittens and stockings and before they seven years old they would spin wool. This way they would contribute to the family revenue. Today, children are given a lot of credit if they manage to perform minor tasks like tying the laces of their shoes (Carol & Melvin 2003, p.780). Childhood is a communally constructed notion, and children are socialized to believe what the older fellow citizens tell them. This concept implies that different cultures understand their children in varying ways (DeMause 1974, p. 88). Further, they place validating expectations on their children, and if the children fail to meet the society’s expectation, people react in ways that differ substantially across the world. Therefore, societies in which children live affect their childhood. In the Canadian Arctic, among the Inuit communities, the process of growing up is seen as the process of acquiring understanding, reason and thought. This process is referred to as Ihuma. Young children lack qualities of reason, understanding and, thought; that is why they cry many times (Panter 1998, p.112). Further, children do not have the capacity to regulate their anger, and they cannot comprehend the external challenges that face people in the community. For example, children cannot comprehend that there is food shortage in the community, and parents are struggling to provide for daily meals. Since parents cannot reason with children, they handle their children with absolute care, leniency and tolerance. Later in childhood, parents in the Inuit community instill discipline, in their children, and they teach them the accepted codes of behavior in the community. In the Pacific Island, among the Tonga community, older siblings and parents frequently flog children. Children lack the most valued asset in this community, which is social competence (Panter 1998, p.112). The Tongans refer to this social competence as poto, and, therefore, the communities perceive their children as being similar to made people. In many cases, children are bullied and chased away from adults, and if they stumble and fall, a parent or an adult might beat them or yell at the children. Tongans believe that children are mischievous and their desire to feed is interpreted as a sign of being naughty. Children in this community receive severe beating at the age of four and when five years old. Tongans believe that physical punishment and discipline is the only way of instilling social competence in their children (Dion et al. 2011, p. 115). Other communities treat their children in different ways from the Tongans. The Beng community in West Africa believes that children comprehend all languages and they also comprehend everything that their parents say to them. Further, the Beng community believes that children connect with a spirit world, where they were living before their birth. This spirit world gives the Beng children a lot of knowledge, which enables them to comprehend all cultures and human languages. Children enjoy life in the spirit world where they have many buddies, and they are always unwilling to abandon their friends in the other world to unite with an earthly family unit (Carol & Melvin 2003, p.778). Therefore, parents treat their children with a lot of care and respect because they fear that, if the children are not happy about how they are handled, they may decide to go back to the world of spirits. Bengs also appreciate the fact that their children enjoy an advantage that adults do not have, which is the ability to connect with the spiritual world. In the Western world and UK, children are viewed as dependent and incompetent, and an older person should always supervise them. Therefore, children are treated with extreme care and their rights are well recognized, respected and guarded by everyone. In other fractions of the planet, children contribute to the family depending on their age by working in family farms or assisting their parents with household chores. Among the Fulani community, young girls begin taking care of their younger siblings at the age of four. Further, they fetch firewood and water for domestic purposes (DeMause 1974, p. 88). By the age of six years, girls in the Fulani community produce butter and milk, and pound grains, which they sell in the market with their mothers. This implies that girls become economically productive at a young age. Children who grow in the Amazonian rainforest experience different childhoods from other children in the world. In other communities such as the Yanamamo, girls and boys are treated in a different manner as they mature (Sommerville 1982, p. 71). Yanamamo girls are expected to assist their parents from an exceptionally tender age, and before they reach the age of eleven, they are given all the responsibilities of running all household chores. Before reaching the age of fifteen years, Yanamamo girls get married and start having their own babies. On the contrary, boys in the Yanamamo community enjoy their childhood, and they play until they become corpulent boys. They are not given many responsibilities like girls, and they do not marry until they are mature enough to do so. This analysis shows that western ideas and notions about children are remarkably different from those of other places (Sommerville 1982, p. 69). Western cultures do not allow children to get married at tender ages. Instead, the children are given extreme attention, and care that is disapproved by other communities. Some western cultures leave their children to cry and refuse to attend to their needs. Other cultures look down upon such behavior and assume that westerners do not adore their children. Similarities Apart from the many cross-cultural differences between childhood experiences, a few similarities exist. The fist similarity in childhood is that children are given adult-like responsibilities as they grow. Therefore, older children have many responsibilities than younger children (Qvortrup 1994, p. 77). Further, parents discipline children accordingly if they happen to make any mistakes that bring issues of indiscipline. Children have the genetic predisposition to learn anything taught to them. For example, if an American couple adopts a child from China, the child connects with American parents and learns the American culture without any difficulties (Panter 1998, p.113). Further, children are genetically predisposed, and this enables them to adapt to new environments and survive in such an environment as if they were born there. Universally, children across all cultures develop deep trust towards their caregivers. Children adore the caregivers like their own parents. Children use crying as a code of communication between them and the caregivers or their parents (Giroux 2001, p. 55). Children cry to express their discomfort or to communicate they are sick; parents should be keen to listen and interpret the cries to determine where the problem. Children who are not adequately cared for develop psychological problems later in life. It is imperative to note that the degree of attachment between an infant and the parent is great when the child is young. This attachment reduces as the child begins to crave for independence from the parents. Further, the similarities in childhood are evident only in the early infancy (Giroux 2001, p. 57). As children grow, some cultures begin seeing them differently, and pose different expectations from them. It is evident that, boys are preferred in many cultures; the society cares more for boys than for girls. As boys enjoy their childhood, girls are burdened with household chores. Further, girls mature earlier than boys, and begin assuming adult roles early in their life. Boys take things a bit slowly, and life to them begins when they are ready to take up adult roles (James & Prout 1990, p. 212). During their childhood years, boys exhibit masculinity by being aggressive, and they talk about tough things like toys and shoes. This characteristic is common in all cultures. On the other hand, girls play soft games, and they talk about polite issues. This shows that children begin defining their gender early in their life. In many cultures, in Africa and parts of Europe, children are utilized as a source of family labor. Children work in the family farms and many times look after cattle and goats. With an exception of most of the western countries, older children are given the responsibility to care for their younger siblings (James & Prout 1990, p. 213). This is extremely essential to the younger children because they learn how to play games with older children. However, this responsibility might cause developmental problems with children who are given the responsibility of taking care of younger children. Across the cultures of the world, the older members of the society socialize children into the society’s norms and customs as well as the culture (Cross 1997, p. 51). Children are taught about the things that the society holds sacred and the taboos that should not be violated. They also learn about the things that are defined as food. Parents across the world take the responsibilities of disciplining their children, as they mold them to become responsible adults in the future. Various cultures view children and their childhood as a symbol of the continuation of the generation and protection of the human race. People use childhood to demonstrate a change of status, as well as wealth and security. In African communities, children in their childhood years symbolize a value of elevated respect and status. An undecorated compound that has children playing around is regarded as dead. In conclusion, there are universal similarities of childhood experiences that run across all the cultures of the world. There are also many differences that demonstrate that different cultures of the world treat their children differently. Some communities in the world treat their children with a lot of aggression and violence, as they perceive them like mad people. Other cultures see their children as sacred, with the ability to connect with the spiritual world. In the western world, children are recognized, guarded and respected at all times. Similarities in childhood are only common during early infancy. The physical environment and culture have a direct significance on childhood experiences. References List Carol, R.E. & Melvin, E. (2003). Encyclopedia of sex and gender: men and women in the worlds cultures, Topic and Cultures, 1(13). pp. 777-986. Cross, G.S. (1997). Kids Stuff: Toys and the Changing World of American Childhood, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press. pp. 47-95. Dion, S. Ingrid, P.S. & Karsten, H. (2011). Child Perspectives and Childrens Perspectives in Theory and Practice, Vuco Place, Springer. pp. 69 -117. DeMause, L. (1974). The History of Childhood, New York, Psychohistory Press. Pp. 67-99. Fergus, P.H. (2009). Children, Play, and Development, Talus, SAGE Publications. pp. 257-311. Giroux, H.A. (2001). Stealing Innocence: Youth, Corporate Power, and the Politics of Cultury, New York, Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 37-167. James, A. & Prout, A. (1990). Constructing and Reconstructing Childhood: Contemporary Issues in the Sociological Study of Childhood, London, Falmer Press. pp. 212-297. Panter, B.C. (1998). Biosocial Perspectives on Children, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. pp. 92-168. Sommerville, C. J. (1982). The Rise and fall of Childhood, Beverley Hills, CA, Sage Publications. pp 69-158. Qvortrup, J. (1994). Childhood Matters: Social Theory, Practice, and Politics, Aldershot, UK, Avebury. pp. 58-122. Read More