Cultural Worksheet for The Dani - Essay Example

Cultural Worksheet For The Dani, Papua New Guinea Culture is the system of interaction between components (subsystems) that strives in meeting the needs of its members. The Grand Valley Dani were the inhabitants of Grand Valley, New Guinea at the western highlands. The name Papua is derived from Malay “papuwah” meaning fuzzy hair. The term Papua New Guinea was coined by the Australian colonialists after the Second World War. Economic Organization Farming is the economic activity practiced by the Dani where the basic capital and land resources are conjoined for the use of irrigation, whereby the sweet potatoes are grown as staple food. The irrigated land is provided freely for use by any member without prior payments or negotiations. Land ownership by an individual is rare since its vested in kins’ and only allocated in times of need. An individual may own the plantation but not the land. The heirs’ give the landowners gifts and offerings before using the land. Failure to do so will result in dispossession of the property by the landowners (Zimmer & Amakoshi, 2007). Based on Zimmer & Amakoshi (2007) horticulture is routine by cultivation of sweet potatoes in large fields of valley bounded by ditches. Plantation is carried out year round where every family possess a portion of the harvest. The ditches assist in drainage of water during wet seasons and deliverance of spring water during dry spells. Additionally, they also serve as mulching basins. The ditches further prevent unwanted pigs form the farms. Other staple foods include starchy vegetables like yams, rice, wild sago, taro and breadfruit; supplemented by bananas, wild greens, mangos and coconuts. Hunting is also practiced which provides meat from fowl, pigs, marsupials, cassowaries and turtles. Each household practice pig keeping. The pigs are only slaughtered and consumed during special occasions (Zimmer & Amakoshi, 2007). The community holds plenty of ceremonies and hence each Dani member receives pork every week. Domestication of pigs is highly significant that specific medical practices are carried out in order to assist them grow. The male pigs are castrated so as to control breeding and increase their sizes. Every Dani member participates in food production. However, the members cultivate their farms using manual labor whereby they incorporate inferior methods and technologies. Sweet potatoes are planted as monocrops in the irrigated fields whereby the soils are dug using sharp poles. Their harvest is enormous whereby it supports a population-density of more than 400/square mile (Zimmer & Amakoshi, 2007). The productivity could also be expanded since most of their land is not put into use. The irrigation systems used for the rice plots could support a population-density of more than 1000/square mile (Zimmer & Amakoshi, 2007). The production system of sweet potato by the Dani is a clear representation of the pre industrial agriculture. In the coastal and riverine regions, fish and other shellfish form part of their diet. According to Schwimmer (1997) trading provides raw materials for production of weapons, farm tools, ritual objects and ornaments. Trading is mostly carried out by the lowland communities found in the forest and the local communities for certain exchanges. The Dani residents export pigs and salt for receivership of shells, hardwoods and stones. The activity is carried out using market principle whereby bargain is essential since the transactions are immediate and impersonal. Political Organization The political landscape of the Dani is very diverse than the common ones. The Extended family constitutes members of big confederations which contain individuals close to 1000 in number. The group consists of siblings from the most important men in the society. The confederations consist of the largest stable which have associated territories and are the most peaceful social-units (Schwimmer, 1997). The confederations are normally conjoined into alliances. The alliances constitute the biggest social units due to the presence of wage wars among alliances. Due to the frequent wage disparities, these alliances are constantly into wars (Schwimmer, 1997). Even though the confederations may appear stable based on their territory and memberships, the alliances can from time to time change. Leadership in the Dani community is informal based on appointments from within siblings and from the political units. Many of the decisions are struck by consensus by specific “big men.” The big men lead based on the standing and respect they hold in the community. The big men rulings are inferred by their social standing as opposed to the assigned or inherited power (Schwimmer, 1997). The big men were characterized by their extensive hard-work, oral skills, generosity, intelligence and their polygamous status. Their influences have however ceased in recent times due to lack of control, mostly global forces hindering their communities. Every Dani residing in the Grand Valley share a common language and culture irrespective of their alliance or lineage (Schwimmer, 1997). The Dani community as compared to other societies; have no written laws. Children, the young generation learn Dani customs through hearing and watching. The village court systems entirely use norms are opposed to English law. The system sometimes leads to injustices from the general society’s perspective. A chief ombudsman sometimes intervenes in order to solve conflicts that may exist in the village court system. In the case of the violators, they are punished by confrontation or meetings are held in order to struck a solution. The solution may can encompass a variety of methods. The violator can be ordered to give some shells or pigs as a form of restitution or can be forced to flee from the location to another place (Schwimmer, 1997). Social Organization In Dani community, labor follows a stringent gender line. Gender roles can be compared between two village clans: the Turkish and the Akan. Dani women have the least enviable status since they lack independence like the Akan members in terms of sex and they lack light agricultural tasks like the Turkish wives. Women chores are based within the household’s and are mainly concerned with taking care of the family (Heider, 1970). In Heider (1970) Dani women are responsible for sweet potatoes planting, harvesting, weeding, pigs feeding and child rearing. They are further concerned with making carrying nets and producing salt which is a trade product as well as a domestic need. Even though their tasks may be lighter than the men’s, they require are routine and have longer working hours. The routine becomes more difficult during mourning as the bereaved little girls’ fingers’ are amputated. Men perform heavy jobs; though they solely determine when and how they will perform their duties. They are responsible for preparation of the planting fields, building the houses, weaving women skirts, weaving shell-bands, engaging in battles, maintenance and construction of the irrigation systems (Heider, 1970). Children are responsible for collection of firewood, feeding the pigs and caring for the girls. Dani community is approximately 50,000 in total population and follows a patriarchy system where the members are grouped into two moieties namely the Wida and the Waija. This illustrates that every Dani member belongs to a certain paternal moiety and hence during marriage, they must marry outside their father’s moiety (Sargent, 1974). Every moiety consists of numerous sibs which are hence descent groups and are identified by a certain bird species. Each Dani child is born within the Wida moiety irrespective of his father’s affiliation. Status differentiation is restricted to male gender due to the accumulation of prestige commodities and wealth. Women do not have significant personal status in the community. The most ranked people are known as ab gotek which essentially mean ‘big men.’ The rank is open to everyone but only if the person is of social competence. The rank is acquired through exchanges, display and accumulation of wealthy materials like the shell-bands and pigs (Sargent, 1974). The wealth determines the ability to acquire many wives and the ability to arrange a marriage. Dani is a polygamous community whereby the men are allowed to marry as many wives as desired but the women are restricted to only one husband. Spiritual or Religious Beliefs Sargent (1974) explains the spirits of the ancestors, witches and sorcerers, monsters and non-human forest spirits command the living. Deities are marked using an insect’s painting whereby it is placed on a Tapa cloth and mounted on a cane framework. In Dani community the non-physical and the physical worlds are directly intertwined and determine the wellbeing of the Dani members. In order to appease the gods, the members adhere to the taboos, propitiate the spirits and conduct proper societal ties. Death is considered unnatural, except for the old and infants; which is linked with the wrong doings of the members. The religious practitioners perform rituals for their inhabitants well being. Some of the hereditary chiefs and their subsequent henchmen act as religious practitioners in the community. Every Dani adult is expected to acquire magic spells for healing, gardening and prohibiting minor diseases. Big men normally purport to have fatal war-sorcery and healing powers (Sexton, 1982). Rituals are conducted for fertility and health purposes among the genders. The initiations consist of forest seclusions, food and fasting taboos, menstrual huts and body mutilations during funerals. The initiates contact the spirits for guidance and protection during their lifetimes (Sexton, 1982). The initiation is aimed at eliciting the living plus the ancestors through exchanges of food and valuables. During preparations for war, several pigs are slaughtered in order to call for ancestors help. Head hunting and cannibalism were normally perceived as acquiring bravery, a sign of the deceased good character and also a form of rejuvenation (Sexton, 1982). The wives were accustomed to eating their dead husbands’ body parts in order to maintain their virility while the young warriors carried the enemies heads as a symbol of efficacy and also as a sign of their individual magic. References Heider, K. (1970). Dani; A Papuan Culture in the Highlands of West New Guinea. Wenner-Gren Foundation. Sargent, W. (1974). People of the Valley; Life with a cannibal tribe in New Guinea. Random House. Schwimmer, B. The Dani of New Guinea (1997). Retrieved on 13th June 2015 from: https://umanitoba.ca/faculties/arts/anthropology/tutor/case_studies/dani/ Sexton, L. (1982). A Womans Savings and Exchange System in Highland Papua New Guinea, Oceania 52: 167–198. Zimmer, L. & Amakoshi, T. (2007). Papua New Guinea. Retrieved on 13th June 2015 from: http://www.everyculture.com/No-Sa/Papua-New-Guinea.html Read More