Professionalism in Business - Essay Example

Table of Contents Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 2 Defining Profession 3 3 Work in the 21st Century 6 3 Knowledge-Based Work 7 3.2 Service-Based Work 11 4 The Debate 14 5 Conclusion 18 6 References 21 1 Introduction The concept of profession is the focal point of intense debate on the future of work and the workplace. Prior to the eruption of this debate and the associate reconceptualisation of the term, the definition of professions was quite straightforward and uncomplicated. Referring to autonomous, ethics-bound types of knowledge-based work, the concept of profession was inextricably and almost exclusively linked to certain types of work, such as medicine and law. None of the stated holds true any more: In recent decades, professions and professionals have faced unprecedented challenges: to their autonomy, to the validity of any ethical view of their calling, to their relatively privileged status and economic position, and to the legitimacy of their claims to expertise based on exclusive possession of specialised knowledge (Beck and Young, 2005, p. 183). The said challenges have been primarily motivated by the drive towards professionalization and have, to a large degree, been aided by the disappearance of craft and low skill manual jobs. Proceeding from the above, this research will analyse the trend towards, and proliferation of, professionalization and professionalism, focusing on the changes which have been wrought in the expansion-service and knowledge-based work. The first part of the research will be devoted to a definition of professionalism, for the purposes of contextualising the discussion and, the second part of the study to an analytical discussion of the following research question: how have service and knowledge-based work changed and expanded and how do these changes relate to the professionalization of the workplace. 2 Defining Profession The word profession originates from the Latin profiteri, meaning to profess, to declare aloud, to make a public vow. The expression was first used in the English language in the 13th century, to represent a person who makes a public oath to enter the religious service. In the 16th century, the meaning of the term was expanded to signify that someone had publicly declared their intention to enter into an occupation that saves life or soul, usually referring to the work of priests, physicians and lawyers (Abeloff & Reynolds, 1994). For example, the declaration of the Hippocratic Oath is a public commitment to a set of values. Teaching has long been recognized as a profession along with religion, medicine and law. When the phrase "professional" appeared in the nineteenth century it was used as an adjective to describe a calling or profession, executed by a professor. "Professor" was used interchangeably with "professional man." Professors of religion and professors of law were included with professors of education. It is interesting to note that while early male teachers were addressed as "Professor", female teachers were still called "Miss." Between the Civil War and World War II, educators became more concerned with career commitment to their profession. The term "Professor" is commonly applied to teachers in colleges and universities today. (Kimball, 1992). Professionalism is a social paradigm that has evolved over time from affiliation with a craft guild as the primary characteristic of a specialist or an expert to association with a university as the principal means of determining when a person became an expert. A professional is universally distinguished from an amateur because they are involved in a full-time paid occupation. They make their living from working as a professional in their field. Many times members of an occupation proudly refer to themselves as professionals, such as professional secretaries or professional auto mechanics or professional brick layers. They believe because they have standards for their performance and are employed full-time in their occupation that they are professionals. Social scientists have separated professions from other occupations by the degree of expertise and complexity involved in the work itself (Vollmer & Mills, 1966). Vollmer and Mills (1966) state that according to sociologists, professionalism of the person is represented by the individual characteristics of the members of the profession; the attitudes that identify members as professionals. This allows sociologists to distinguish professions and professionals from other kinds of occupations and workers (Vollmer & Mills, 1966). Characteristics which differentiate a profession from other occupations are: - A specialized knowledge base and shared standards of practice - A strong service ethic, or commitment to meeting clients' needs - Strong personal identity with, and commitment to, the occupation - Collegial versus bureaucratic control over entry, performance evaluations, and retention in the profession (Talbert & McLaughlin, 1996, p. 129). Today, there are a myriad of definitions for the term professional. Four characteristics focused on in sociology literature are knowledge acquisition, service ethic, autonomy and commitment to calling. Professionalism entails commitment to a particular body of knowledge and skill. Professionals have a mission to preserve, refine and utilize that knowledge for the purpose of application to good works. To carry out their mission, professionals must have freedom to exercise discretionary judgment. Codes of ethics and professional associations are necessary to preserve the integrity of professions (Friedson, 1994). Largely concurring with the definitions presented in the preceding, Evetts (2005) forwards the notion that professionalism subscribes to three interrelated, although separate definitions/interpretations. It is "an occupational value," "an ideology" and a "discourse of professional change and managerial control" (p. 2). From this particular perspective, professionalism may be defined as an occupation-specific set of values and guidelines, a particular type of debate over management and the nature of work and the workplace and the a career and work specific ideology. As based on the above, one may forward the notion that professionalism is the professionalization of jobs which were previously regarded as outside of the professional category because they were not reliant upon specialised knowledge and universal standards of practice. In other words, professionalism refers to the phenomenon of the professionalization of most of types of work. Within the context of the stated, the movement of service-based jobs from the non-professional to the professional category becomes understandable. Simply stated, movement occurred with the introduction and proliferation of training, the emphasis which was placed of knowledge, and the evolution of a professional ethics framework for service-based workers. The implication here is that the professionalization of the service industries is a direct outcome of its adoption of the characteristics commonly associated with the knowledge-based professions. The definitions presented above appear quite straightforward and would hardly leave one assuming that they can be a topic of debate and controversy. The fact is, however, they are a subject of controversy and, as shall discussed in a later section, the debate surrounding the concept of profession and the associate phenomenon of professionalization and professionalism, affords an invaluable insight into the nature of the changes which have been wrought in the workplace and the expansion of service-based work. Before wading into that debate, however, it is necessary to clarify the nature of the referenced changes and the extent to which they have impacted upon both the knowledge and the service-based industries. 3 Work in the 21st Century As repeatedly stated in the preceding section, the nature of work has undergone significant changes in recent decades. The traditional, and long-held demarcation between the knowledge-based and the service-based occupations is gradually fading. The said demarcation was based on the assumption that certain occupation required specialised knowledge and training, while others did not, and on the belief that certain practitioners needed to adhere to an occupation-based code of ethics which governed the relationship between professionals and society while others did not. This, as Krause (1997) quite explicitly states, is no longer the case. Most all types of work are now founded on specialised knowledge and work-specific/industry-specific training and practically all types of professionals,' be they skilled factory workers or medical practitioners, are required to adhere to an occupation-specific code of ethics. Not only that, but the professional autonomy which lawyers and doctors used to enjoy and which distinguished them from other types of workers/professionals, is gradually being eroded as the practitioners themselves are being subsumed into, and swallowed by, multinational corporations. In other words, the boundaries between the knowledge and the service based occupations are gradually eroding. Bearing the foregoing in mind, this section of the research will examine and critically discuss the changes which have occurred in the twenty-first century workplace and how they link to the concept of profession and the phenomenon of professionalization and professionalism. 3.1 Knowledge-Based Work The ABA's report of the Commission on Professionalism (1986, p. 10) proposed a definition of profession which rested on five characteristics: 1. The profession receives special privileges from the government; 2. The profession requires significant intellectual training; 3. The profession's specialised knowledge necessitates that the client, who lacks such knowledge, trust the professional; 4. "The client's trust presupposes that the practitioner's self-interest is overbalanced by devotion to serving both the client's interest and the public good"; 5. The profession is self-regulating. The above characteristics in turn rest upon two central assertions: the (specialised) knowledge of the professional and the autonomy or independence of the professional. Knowledge relates to the substantial intellectual training required for entrance to the profession, including formal training and practical experience (Freidson, 1986; Heinz, 1983). Autonomy, in turn, has four characteristics: political independence and independence from the demands of the market. In the political dimension, professionals, particularly lawyers, are supposed to distance themselves both from partisan politics and the demands of the government; similarly, in the market or business dimension, professionals are expected to subordinate profit motives to client welfare and at the same time receive independence from regulation by the government-in other words, the quasi-monopoly of the profession is tempered by, first, the professional's refusal to pursue self-interest (i.e., profit) over client and public interests, in return for which the government maintains a "hands-off" policy toward regulating the profession (Solomon, 1992, pp. 146-148). Thus professional ethics, legal and otherwise, have been seen either as part of the profession's effort to define itself and its areas of accountability-to set, as it were, a limit on the power of external forces such as the state or the market to define the profession's mission in terms convenient to themselves. The effect of market forces on the professions has been studied by Hanlon (1999), who has argued that in the UK, as the social consensus has shifted from quasi-socialistic to market-oriented, a change has taken place in the way large corporations deal with the labour force, both generally and with professionals. He argued that "this shift has entailed a greater desire and ability to police the professional-client relationship and to demand that professionals meet the commercial needs of the client rather than simply provide technically correct solutions" (p. 88). Professional firms have responded to these pressures by reorganising so that they are responsive to client demands and so they can provide clients with market driven advice. Hanlon (1999) noted that this is most noticeable in the large private client sector (professional service sectors characterised by large, usually corporate, clients. Heinz and Laumann (1982), Nelson (1988), Flood (1991) and Galanter and Palay (1991) pointed out the influence of the large client on US law specifically. They have shown how large clients affect the nature of the work, the kinds of areas worked in, how clients try to get lawyers into behaving as they wish, how they expect that professionals provide them with commercial rather than merely technical solutions to their problems, how they attempt to limit their costs and move some of the risk of the transaction onto external law firms. Hanlon (1999) argued that this trend appears to be such that corporate clients of UK law firms have begun to act the same way, causing the firms to restructure so as to alter the way they deliver services. This has resulted in the use of project teams, a change from functionally based departments to market-based departments, cross-selling of services and the provision of commercial solutions to clients, and the incorporation of business skills into the promotion and assessment process, etc. (Hanlon, 1997). The picture that emerges is one of accelerating de-professionalisation in the face of increasing market pressures. This trend appears to be in effect for several professions (such as medicine, where in the US the move to managed care has intruded a corporate profit motive into the doctor-patient relationship while reducing both physician income and autonomy (Brame, 1994); and teaching, in which the total quality movement in higher education appears to threaten the autonomy of academic staff (Jauch & Orwig, 1997)). The US accounting profession, which for 100 years has jealously guarded its professional autonomy from all incursions, now faces the prospect of direct government regulation by the Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) in the wake of the Enron scandal, including the proposal that an independent disciplinary board financially insulated from the profession be given oversight for sanctioning irregularities (McNamee, 2002). The impact of the trend on law appears to be more mixed: whereas global law practice offers the possibility of increased remuneration (at least for elite commercial law firms), it comes at the price of threats to lawyers' independence from the demands of clients-again, the Enron scandal offers an example: the company's legal counsel, Vinson & Elkins, in depending on Enron for 7% of its annual revenues, may have compromised its own objectivity in assessing the legality of some of Enron's business moves. Indeed, the power of corporate clients to coerce legal counsel to help them with questionable tactics is quite significant. Indeed, as evidenced in the Enron case, the dynamic balance between the professions' internal ideals and external pressures (Gordon, 1984) can become imperilled when the context of professional practice is changed. That is, as law firms more closely ally themselves with the interests of powerful clients, transforming themselves into business consultants, they risk de-professionalisation by becoming sources of technical expertise (how to get around the system). Proceeding from the above stated discussion, which drew examples from the legal profession, it is apparent that the traditional professions, ones which had for so long jealousy guarded their autonomy, are being subsumed by market forces. The nature of professions, as such, has dramatically changed due to the various factors outlined in the preceding, chief amongst which are globalisation and market forces. It is, thus, that if we are to avoid arguing that the traditional professions are becoming de-professionalised that the concept of profession needs to be reworked towards greater consistency with the current reality. The implication here is that the profession is succumbing to deprofessionalisation. 3.2 Service-Based Work In immediate comparison to the knowledge-based professions, service-based work, traditionally perceived as operating from without the parameters of that which constitutes professions, are undergoing professionalization and a concomitant movement from the non-professional to the professional sectors. Indeed, service-based work has undergone a revolution in recent years. On the one hand, technology has rendered certain occupations obsolete and, on the other, it has imposed the imperatives of technological learning and literacy upon workers. At the same time, globalisation, implying the intensification of competition and the internationalisation of business operations and concerns, has imposed the imperatives of continued organisational and occupational learning upon employers, employees/workers. Organisational leaders, if they are to be successful and effective, have to acquire specialised knowledge in organisational leadership; managers must similarly gain the requisite specialised knowledge; even factory workers must be trained and educated in their specific domain and workplace responsibilities. Added to that, all must adhere to an organisational code of ethics, comparable to professional code of ethics, which direct their behaviour within the workplace, the manner in which they execute their occupational responsibilities and the type of relationship they need to maintain with the society within which they operate. The implication here is that globalisation and technology, combining to intensify competition, has incited the professionalization of practically all occupations (Friedson, 2001; Young, 2008). A number of points have to be highlighted at this juncture. The first is that contemporary socio-economic reality has underscored the imperatives of continued learning and the correlation between the ability to execute one's workplace responsibilities and the possession of specialised knowledge regarding the occupation in question. The second is that the intensification of competition has made it absolutely necessary that all workers in the service-industry embrace professionalism as a strategy for the acquisition of consumer/service-user satisfaction. The third is that , within the context of multinational organisations, all employees, whether they are lawyers, company doctors, managers or assembly line workers, are obliged to adhere to the same professional code of conduct, reflective of the company's mission statement and, ultimately, designed to propagate and realise its strategic organisational objectives. The implication here is, and as emphasised by Laurie and Bondi (2007), that there is an increasing equalisation between knowledge-based and service-based practitioners within the organisational setting whereby all, irrespective of occupational affiliations, training and learning, are perceived of as completing and complementing one another. In other words, service-based work is moving towards greater complimentarity with the principles which traditionally guided knowledge-based work. The above stated does not intend to negate the existence of differences between knowledge and service-based work as differences are persistent and prevalent. Instead, the foregoing aims towards the clarification of the extent to which the phenomenon of professionalization has rendered service-based occupations more like knowledge-based ones in form, if not in content. Quite simply stated, service-based occupations can no longer be optimally and effectively executed on the basis of skill and training but need to be fortified by specialised knowledge and education. Similarly, service-based professionals, such as marketers for example, are compelled to adhere to a professional code of conduct which operates in conjunction with their organisation's code of ethics. The point here is that service based occupations, whether due to the specialised knowledge which each area within is founded upon or the code of ethics which governs the behaviour and activities of professionals, have become professionalised. It is, thus, that one can very well affirm the validity of the proposition outlined at the outset: As service and knowledge-based work expand, professional groups are becoming less distinct and more like other organisational groups. As the assertions forwarded in the preceding appear somewhat absolute, they need to be justified and defended. A reference to organisational training and culture will help in this regard. Given the knowledge-based, technology-determined nature of the contemporary workplace and considering that globalisation has significantly intensified competition over markets, the imperatives of operating at maximum efficiency levels cannot be over-emphasised. It is now more important than ever that corporate entities embrace the imperatives of flexible responsiveness to market demands, understand the incomparable importance of customer/consumer satisfaction and operate both efficiently and at minimum resource wastage levels. In response to all of the stated imperatives, several management philosophies, such as Lean, Systems Thinking and Total Quality Management, among others, have emerged (Mctavish, 2004). These management philosophies, despite differences, converge on a number of points. These are the design of an organisational culture and an employee ethics system which generates loyalty and commitment and ensures employee/workers' accountability; continued worker training and education so that members of the organisation may execute their duties in accordance with the principles of quality, consumer satisfaction and efficiency; and pride in one's work. Service-based workers are accountable for their output and performance, have to have specialised training, skills and, importantly, knowledge and, must adhere to a service-based work ethics system (Mctavish, 2004). In other words, service-based work, consequent to the management philosophies which currently dominate the market environment and due to ever-increasing competition and the introduction of new technologies, have become professionalised. While they do not enjoy autonomy and are subsumed within the organisation and directed by its objectives and culture, they have embraced all the other characteristics traditionally linked to the professions. Minus autonomy, they have become professionalised and considering that, as earlier stated, the traditional, knowledge-based professions are loosing their autonomy, one finds that, indeed, as service and knowledge-based work expand, professional groups are becoming less distinct and more like other organisational groups. 4 The Debate The preceding clarified two things. The first is that the definition of professionalism/professional/profession is contested and the second is that the changes which the workplace has witnessed over the past decades are largely responsible for this. As indicated, the expansion of service and knowledge-based work has rendered professional groups less distinct and more like other organisational groups. Therefore, even though, as illustrated in the above, it is possible to define the concepts of professionalism/professional/profession it is difficult to arrive at a consensus over the precise implications of each of these terms. While several factors are, arguably, responsible for the aforementioned, consensus tends towards the changing nature of work and the workplace as responsible. Indeed, as Fournier (1999) quite rightly points out, the fact that "professionalism is creeping up in unexpected domains" (p. 280) has forced a reconsideration of the definitional parameters of the concept. Traditionally associated with types of work which required a specialised type of knowledge and adherence to a professional code of ethics, such as the medical and the legal professions, the concept of profession' has expanded to include skill-based types of work. The implication here is, and as may be deduced from Fournier's (1999) analysis, is that the inclusion of various and multitudinous types of work and occupations into the profession matrix' has incited a debate regarding the meaning of the term. Indeed, the mentioned inclusion and expansion has effectively rendered the traditional definition somewhat obsolete. The effort to devise and articulate a more contemporary definition which subscribes to the current reality is the subject-matter, focus and concern of the said debate. Scuilli's (2005) critical and analytical discourse on the concept of professionalism underscores the complexity of the term, on the one hand, and the contentious nature of the debate regarding its definition and redefinition, on the other. Adopting a sociological perspective towards the issue, Scuilli (2005) proceeds from the premise that the concept of professionalism is grounded in sociological and market realities and, accordingly, is defined, or should be defined, in relation to those realities. Earlier definitions which confined usage to specific knowledge based occupations, such as medicine and law, reflected the sociological realities of a certain era - an era which viewed medicine and law, for example, as distinct from other occupations and which held its practitioners answerable to a higher and more stringent code of ethics. Changing conceptualisations of the implications of occupations has necessitated a rethinking of the aforementioned, however. Quite simply stated, societal demands, largely incited by market competition, necessitated a rethinking of the knowledge framework from within which all workers operate and, importantly, from within which all occupations are borne. For example, ever-intensifying market competition has highlighted the importance of marketing and advertising and, significantly, has led to the growth of a body of specialised knowledge pertaining to marketing and advertising. The practice, in other words, has evolved into a profession which is founded upon specialised knowledge, training and attitudes towards work. As may be inferred from Scuilli's (2005) discourse, therefore, the concept is an ephemeral one whose definition is dependant upon the current status of work and occupation as a sociological phenomenon. As a testament to the contentious nature of the debate in question, Torstendahl's (2005) article emerges as a disputation of Scuilli's (2005) argument. Taking issue with the fact that Sciulli (2005) effectively negates most of the earlier definitions of the concept and single-mindedly perceives of the concept in sociological terms and, indeed, as a sociological phenomenon. Within the context of the stated, and as Torstendahl (2005) points out, Scuilli (2005) makes the erroneous assumption that the concept of professionalism is a culturally determined one, whereby some cultures acknowledge, therefore practice it, while others do not. Added to that and despite his quest for a universal definition for the concept, Torstendahl (2005) claims that Scuilli (2005) does not offer an acceptable definition of professionalism or profession. Despite Torsendahl's (2005) critique of Scuilli's (2005) discussion, he similarly acknowledges the imperatives of arriving at a definition of profession and professionalism which subscribes to and is reflective of the contemporary reality. Evetts' (2005) contribution to the debate on the definition of professions is solidly grounded in the contemporary reality of the workplace and market. While acknowledging that the term is traditionally associated with, not just knowledge-based work but specialised knowledge-based work, she draws attention to the phenomenon of professionalization. Across the spectrum of the multitudinous types of occupations, there is a discernible and inarguable tendency towards professionalization. It is not just the knowledge-based occupations, such as medicine and law, whose practitioners operate on the basis of occupation-specific special knowledge but, in essence, all occupations and all types of practitioners. As Evetts (2005) points out, work itself is becoming professionalised with contemporary discourse emphasising the imperatives of training and educating all workers in the specific needs of their occupation. Within the context of the stated, it is apparent that Evetts (2005) has redefined the concept as an attitude towards one's work and not as a type of work which is based on specialised knowledge. This is quite explicitly stated in the following definitions she proposes for professionalism: professionalism as an occupational value professionalism as an ideology; professionalization as market closure professionalism as a discourse of occupational change and managerial control (Evetts, 2005, n.p.). As indicted in the foregoing, therefore, the redefinition of professionalism entails the expansion of the parameters of the concept so that it extends beyond reference to specific knowledge-based occupations to work and the attitude towards work, in general. On the basis of the foregoing, one can affirm the difficulty of attempting to capture the essence of the concept under discussion here in a single definition. The workplace has changed and the nature of occupations has similarly changed. These changes, which will be explored in greater detail in the subsequent section, have thrown prior understandings of the concept of professionalism into disarray and, to all intents and purposes, has rendered them obsolete. 5 Conclusion Proceeding from the foregoing and in conclusion to the above stated, it can be posited that professionalism has been seen, first, as a set of characteristics and behaviours that serve to define professions in contradistinction to trades or businesses, and second, as a way that members of an occupational group frame the arguments in support of their position in a privileged social, economic and political category. Depending on which view of professionalism one takes, then, it follows that the purpose of professional ethics is either to help the profession define itself in terms of its obligations and responsibilities, or to help the profession restrict access to membership so as to maintain its exclusive access to rewarding associations. The first point of view, commonly termed functionalism, represents what might be called the traditional way of viewing professions; in this formulation, ethics becomes central to the self-defining discourse professionals carry on. The second viewpoint, a socio-economic analysis, has a distinctly Marxian flavour and stands as a critique of functionalism. In the view of this writer, the ethical challenge posed by globalisation is that the superior organisation, money and power of large corporate clients threatens to upset the balance among the interests of the lawyer, the client and the public too far toward the interests of powerful clients. Although professionalism and what constitutes a profession can be conceptually separated, the study of professionalism has been linked with the conventional perspectives on the professions. The trait or functionalist approach uses a taxonomic approach to describe attributes of a profession and the profession's relationship with its clients and society. Specifically, professionalism is intertwined with the view that occupations that exhibit a set of required characteristics are professions (Goode, 1957; Greenwood, 1957). Consistent with a functionalist view, Hall (1968) theorised five elements of individual professionalism. He suggested that professionals (1) believe their work to have importance, (2) are committed to the service of the public good, (3) demand autonomy in the provision of their services, (4) advocate self-regulation for their work, and (5) affiliate with other members of their occupation. The five elements of Hall's taxonomy can be seen as dedication to the profession, social obligation, demand for personal autonomy, belief in self-regulation, and community affiliation. A belief in the importance of work performed by the profession serves as a threshold for professionalism (Kornhauser, 1962). Consistent with the conventional view that professions exchange monopolistic privilege for acceptance of social obligation (Goode, 1957), various occupations have a code of ethics that guides the delivery of professional services. Attention to the interests of the public, shareholders and other external parties concerned with corporate behaviour comprises an important social responsibility of professionals, be they skilled factory workers or corporate lawyers. In other words, professionalism is an attitude towards work and workplace responsibilities and, importantly, it is an attitude which governs the relationship which organisational groups have with the society which they service and operate within. 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