European trade union leaders, along with their 'London Declaration', studied the financial crisis and appeal for fair dealing and rigorous action. Practical suggestions were as well made to prevent this situation from happening again: successful measures should be taken to guarantee that the economy carries on enjoying capital investments, also to put a stop to disgraceful financial forecast. The addition of public funds into the economy should correspond to public regulation, whereas the control of financial markets at global and European levels should be enhanced (Satre 2005, 804).
This paper's objective is merely a wake up call. While trade unions determinedly expand their organizing attempts and ideas, there remains a noticeable need for constant research on effective strategies and techniques.
It is essential to acknowledge nowadays that organizing has turned out to be increasingly complex. Under the pressing burden of feeble and incompetently enforced labour laws, aggressive employers harbouring antiunion sentiments, and a progressively intimidating political and economic atmosphere, it is not fascinating that hardly any workers surmount the threats, anxieties and hindrances and continue to in fact organize a union and negotiate an initial agreement. Problems are only worsened when labor leaders are informed repeatedly by their believed allies in government and the academe that workers are not interested anymore in unions but perceive a more workable and less intimidating option in management-offered participation activities.
Confronted with an increasingly unfriendly climate, the labour movement has started to concentrate its energy on the single component of the organizing mechanism that it has power over, union strategies and techniques.
This part focuses on the means by which workers, whether unionized or non-unionized, are adequately represented at work, and by which they gain differing extents of voice in the decision making of the top management or employers. Apart from collective bargaining exercised by trade unions, it emphasizes the means of information dissemination and collaborative consultation contained within an employment relationship. One premise is that an interpretation of the interaction of these systems of representation is fundamental for a positive reception of the current and potentially future trends of worker representation in the United Kingdom. In particular, it proposes that types of representation aside from collective bargaining may prospectively establish more mainstream voice systems, with employers and employees alike, than what they actually have previously (Wigley 2002).
In the past, employers single-handedly made majority of decisions on issue regarding work. In a number of circumstances, typically job-related matters, expert or strategically positioned employees could single-handedly control particular features of their working lifestyles. From the latter part of the nineteenth century up until the present, collective bargaining steadily developed. In a number of incidences, to defend