Likewise, earlier studies by Stewart (1985) emphasized a "toolbox" of vital management skills, including planning, organizing, decision making, communication, and interpersonal skills, among others. However, Hebard (1996) identifies cultural awareness as a key skill that expatriate managers require, and such a skill does not exist in Stewart's toolbox.
Additionally, the Eastern commercial world sparks unusual dynamics in the workplace and defines its managerial structure in significantly differing roles. Whereas Western workers tend to conceptualize their employment in terms of the organization which employs them (thus viewing the organization as an impersonal other), Eastern societies rely upon the personal relationship as a basic social structure (Hui, Lee & Rousseau, 2004, p. 232). In such cases, the role of the manager is far different from the leadership concept sought by Western commerce. Pearce (2001) indicates that workers in transitional societies experience the employment relationship through relationships to powerful members of the organization; furthermore, the studies undertaken by Yang, et al., (1989) indicate that this experience or bond is far stronger for the traditional worker than those whose values are less traditional.
At the core of this difference in view of self as an organizational citizen lies the basic Chinese social structure. Hui, et al., identify this structure thus:
"In China, this process [identifying oneself by relationship to supervisors or managers] takes on specific cultural meaning because of the role of personal relationships in the social structure. The Chinese social structure can be traced back to the five fundamental relationships (wu lun) emphasized in Confucianism: emperor-subject, father-son, husband-wife, elder-younger, and friend-friend. These five relationships specify the important components in Chinese society and prescribe role behaviours for all those within the network (2004, p234)."
Traditional Chinese, Hui, et al. (2004), argue, relate in this fashion to a single individual (i.e. to the emperor as subjects) rather than to an impersonal organization (i.e. to the government as subjects). Traditional behaviour emphasizes respect for authority; more-traditional Chinese would construe the activities of organizational citizenship as the actions expected of family members supporting a chief or father figure. In fact, Hui, et al., comment, "the psychological basis of this behaviour is the belief that this supervisor has offered trust, respect, protection, and support in the manner of one's father (2004, p236)."
Hence, the role of the supervisor in Eastern countries where Confucian norms hold sway and traditionalism dictates position and activity based on wu lun will differ significantly from the role played in Western commerce where individualism is paramount and worker allegiance is to the organization as a whole, rather than to a