Equality Within Modern Educational System - Essay Example

Running head: Inclusive Education National Policies For Inclusive Education By _______________ The context of Inclusive educational practice involves the triangular relation of teacher-parent partnership and pupil participation. Inclusive education has a key role to play in the agenda residing among the particular strategies identified by the government. Such strategies are raising issues for the attainments, lowering rates of non-attendance and school exclusion, and the development of inclusive educational practice. National Policies in this context refer to children's needs and those provisions that are most appropriate for meeting those needs, like Mittler describes inclusive educational practice as necessitating a process of reform and restructuring of the school as a whole, with the aim of ensuring that all pupils can have access to the whole range of educational and social opportunities offered. (Mittler, 2000). In other words, the essence of inclusive education can be characterised as a flexible and responsive school system, which takes as its starting point recognition of the diversity of pupils' needs. This perspective highlights two significant and complementary implications for the development of practice: first, that any attempt to implement inclusive education must embrace the needs of all pupils; but second, that for some of them, there is a risk of exclusion or marginalisation to be redressed. The need for policies for Inclusive education arises with the quality of education provided on the basis of home-school relationships and is influenced by a large range of interacting factors. Within school, it is evident that teachers vary in the attitudes, knowledge, understanding, skills and commitment that they bring to their interactions with parents. Schools and Local Education Authorities (LEAs) also vary in both their policies and the degree of support they provide for this aspect of the teaching role. Similarly parents differ, for example in their confidence in dealing with the authority that schools represent, and in their familiarity with expectations for their children's formal education. Practical barriers to easy communication with schools can also arise, such as transport arrangements, or domestic and work commitments. (Beveridge, 2004) Crucially, the home-school relationship is also influenced by the child himself or herself. It is apparent, for example, that where parents see that their children are liked and valued by teachers, they are more likely to feel positive about communication and cooperation with school. At the same time, however, there is evidence that children seek to preserve some privacy in their home and school lives and to 'manage the gap' (Alldred et al., 2002) between them. Concepts of inclusion and inclusive education have developed over time within the context of broader social values and political priorities. When the Warnock Report (DES, 1978) was published, it used the term 'integration' to refer to the involvement in mainstream school of those children with special educational needs who had traditionally been educated in segregated provision. It distinguished between different forms of integration: locational, when children with special educational needs share a site with mainstream pupils; social, when they also share social out-of-class activities; and functional, when they join in at least some mainstream lessons. This very simple model quickly became associated with narrow interpretations of what integration involved. It appeared to endorse a step-by-step progression, where children who could demonstrate their suitability might gradually move towards full involvement in mainstream provision. As Sir Cyril Taylor (Chairman of the Specialist Trust) once said while giving interview to BBC, "Everybody should be concerned if there are children in the under performing schools" (BBC, 2006a). Bearing all of these approaches in mind, the emphasis was placed on where education took place, rather than on its quality. Further, there was little recognition that, if integration was to be successful, this had implications for mainstream approaches for all pupils: instead the onus was placed on individual children with special educational needs to 'fit in' to existing school structures that had not been designed with their needs in mind. In parallel with this, a social model of disability began to have increasing influence. Instead of focusing on individuals and individual problems, this model stresses that disability has to be understood as a function of disabling social processes. At school level, these ways of understanding special educational needs and disability have clear implications, for both highlight the need to develop practices and procedures that are responsive to and value diversity, rather than viewing difference as problematic. A further related impetus for change came from the argument, put particularly strongly by disabled activists and associated organisations, that participation in mainstream community services raises fundamental questions of human rights. (Sheelagh & Topping, 2005) From this perspective, the main obstacles to participation derive from a lack of respect for such rights, and therefore the onus is not on the individual to demonstrate a capacity to access mainstream services, but on the development of services, which are accessible by all. In line with these evolving concepts of integration and inclusion, the associated policy frameworks also started with a focus on children with special educational needs and where they were to be educated. An explicit acknowledgement of human rights arguments and more complex notions of inclusive education have been much more recent developments. Thus, the 1981 Education Act stated that children with special educational needs should be educated in mainstream schools, provided that certain conditions were met. First, the views of the child's parents must be taken into account. Not all wish for inclusion, for some parents feel strongly that their children require specialist schooling in order to meet their needs. (Sheelagh & Topping, 2005) The extent of parental resilience to additional stresses and demands is affected by personal qualities such as confidence and self-esteem, and by evolving relationships within the family. It will also be influenced in part by the nature of the support available beyond the family. Although parents can feel supported by individual professionals with whom they come into contact, contacts with services can also add to family stress. Balancing the demands of child care, employment, domestic commitments, liaison with schools and with other services, can be difficult for any parent, and systems for parent-professional liaison are rarely set up with the degree of flexibility necessary to respond to a wide range of differing family circumstances. Recognition of these interacting dimensions of variation between families has clear implications for schools, if they are to seek to build upon the learning experiences of home and promote inclusive educational practice. At a whole-school level, for example, arrangements for communication with parents need to be sufficiently flexible that they do not create unnecessary barriers for lone parents, working parents and parents whose spoken or written English skills are limited. If home-school communication is to include all parents, this requires constructive attitudes towards family diversity on the part of individual teachers. It is not unusual for teachers to judge parents on the basis of their children's learning and behaviour at school and to draw the inference that particular home backgrounds are educationally deficient in some way. In order to combat these and other unhelpful assumptions, they require an informed understanding of the complex nature of interacting influences on children's learning at home. They also need to be alert to the relationship between home learning and the formal educational experiences offered at school, and to recognise the ways in which school-based learning represents a significant departure from children's experiences of home. Hannon (1995), for example, has highlighted relevant features of home learning as being spontaneous and flexible; shaped by children's interests; and based on close, but varied family relationships with those of differing ages. By contrast, he describes school learning as being planned and timetabled; shaped by the formal curriculum; and taking place with the learner in a single age group and in a single role characterised by a formal relationship with the teacher. A survey, for the Times Educational Supplement, found a majority of heads and teachers believe the closure of special schools should be halted. But 62% of teachers and 73% of heads felt most children with special needs should be in mainstream education. Researchers surveyed 206 heads and 511 teachers. Secondary heads were much more likely to have pupils they believe should be taught in special schools, the survey found - 65% against 31% of primary school heads. And over half of secondary teachers said they taught at least one pupil who would be better off in a special school (BBC, 2006b). The survey's findings suggest broad support for the government's policy of including children with special needs (SEN) in mainstream schools. But the survey suggests many teachers feel inadequately trained to teach them. Over a third - 37% - had received no preparation during their initial teacher-training course, and 23% said they had no more than one day's training. Just 12% of heads and 36% of teachers said their school had adequate resources to include children with special needs. Anna Hassan is head teacher at Millfields Primary School in Hackney, where 22% of children have special educational needs. She says inclusion is based on a strong ethos and vision - coupled with flexibility. "We plan for special needs, because the world is an inclusive place," she said. "You can't isolate those children and have a 'them and us' situation." The school has a unit where pupils with severe needs may be taught, but all SEN pupils are integrated in mainstream classes. Mrs Hassan said it was important to consider the benefits to all children of interaction with children who have differing needs to their own. "We all need to readjust, be flexible - and also courageous - to make a difference to these pupils." But special schools provide her school with valuable support, she added. (BBC, 2006b) Approximately half of all teachers questioned said children with autistic spectrum disorder should be taught in mainstream classes. The National Autistic Society says inclusion only works where schools adapt to the needs of the child. Amanda Batten, policy officer for children, said the NAS estimates there are 90,000 children with autism in the UK, but only 7,500 specialist places, including those within mainstream schools. "Where inclusion works, there are real benefits to all children," she said. "But the majority of children with autism are left to cope within mainstream classes. "Where training and resources are not met, inclusion is totally undermined," she said. Special schools play a key role in educating those with more complex needs and supporting other schools, she said. (BBC, 2006b) A Department for Education and Skills spokesperson said there was categorically no policy to close special schools, and they were encouraged to share expertise with mainstream schools. "The government sees a continuing role for special schools as part of an inclusive education system catering for children with the most severe and complex needs," he said. In 2001, the Special Educational Needs and Disability Act made discrimination against disabled or SEN pupils illegal (BBC, 2006b). It can be seen that the development of policy, with its evolving focus on rights and responsibilities, still leaves unresolved a number of questions and dilemmas concerning the reciprocal accountability of parents and teachers in relation to children's education. However, this should not distract attention from the reasons for seeking to promote positive home-school relationships. The educational basis for the principle of home-school partnership stems not just from an acknowledgement of parental rights, but also from the recognition that home is a primary context for children's learning, and that schools must seek to build on and extend the learning experiences of home if they are to be fully effective. In order to do so, this requires the development of a relationship that encourages genuine two-way communication. Parent education and early intervention approaches have directed attention towards parents and their children's learning experiences at home. The once prevalent notions of linguistic and cognitive deprivation among families living in disadvantaged circumstances have been largely discredited, and as a result, approaches are informed by a greater recognition of what all families contribute to their children's learning. Nevertheless, as Davie (2000) has argued, a respect for family diversity should not prevent acknowledgement of the real difficulties that can result for children whose learning experiences in home and local community are furthest removed from the assumptions and values they encounter at school. If such disadvantages are to be overcome, this necessitates strategies that focus on schools as well as families. The principle that strong links between home, school and community represent a powerful means for overcoming educational disadvantage is fundamental to the community education tradition. This tradition takes as its starting point the need to acknowledge that there are potential barriers to home-school links to be overcome, and that these require schools to develop strategies that make them more accessible and responsive to the local communities that they serve. The approach involves a commitment to community development and empowerment, underpinned by an explicit attempt to take account of and demonstrate respect for the concerns, priorities and needs of the community. From this perspective, school is viewed as an inclusive learning facility, which offers both children and their families the opportunity to develop relevant skills and knowledge (Watt, 1989). It is essential to the nature of a community-based approach that it should be adapted to local circumstances and requirements, but common features of the provision made by community education schools typically include shared neighbourhood facilities, a community-oriented curriculum, and participation in school activities, decision-making and management by parents and other members of the local community. Disabled school pupils and university students in England and Wales are about to get legal rights against discrimination. Under legislation coming into force on 1 September, educational institutions will have to ensure that disabled learners are not disadvantaged. And admissions procedures must not discriminate against disabled students seeking to enrol. Earlier disability legislation had exempted the education sector. But the Special Educational Needs and Disability Act now extend the anti-discrimination protection to education. Institutions have to make "reasonable adjustments" to ensure that disabled students can participate in courses and lessons. It will be against the law for disabled students - or applicants - to be treated less favourably than other students. (BBC, 2006c). This will not mean the lowering of any academic standards - but will mean that schools and universities will have to provide an equal chance of success. For instance, in a university admissions interview, an applicant with speech impairment might need to have more time to answer questions than other applicants. Not to allow this could be considered discriminatory. For interviews or open days, blind applicants might need to have information in Braille or on audiotape. And applicants with hearing impairments might need to have well-lit interview rooms so there are no difficulties with lip reading. University applicants in wheelchairs might need to have advance warning of a separate route to interview rooms. (BBC, 2006c). This legislation is being implemented in stages - with this first stage setting out the principle of non-discrimination in admissions and the running of courses. From September 2003, universities and local authorities will be expected to provide extra services and disability aids. And improved physical access to buildings - such as wheelchair ramps - must be in place by September 2005. Since 1996, 6,000 schools have received funds to improve access for disabled pupils from the Schools Access Initiative. This has included stair lifts, disabled toilets and acoustic improvements. In the year 2002-03 there will be 70m for the access initiative, with 100m the following year. The Department for Education also says there is 8.5bn for upgrading school buildings between 2001-02 and 2003-04 (BBC, 2006c). Does the advance of inclusion hold good for pupils labelled as being disruptive or having emotional and behavioural difficulties (EBD) Clark et al. (1999) noted intractable problems of behaviour even in the most inclusive of settings. Research has underlined the severity of the management problems posed by some pupils with learning and behavioural difficulties, the stress caused to peers and staff, and the extensive demands on senior management time. Difficulties continue despite differentiated and appropriate teaching and proficient behaviour management, but Ofsted reports indicate that some schools in disadvantaged areas are more successful in managing difficult behaviour than some in more affluent areas. (Sheelagh & Topping, 2005) What are the characteristics of successful schools and what policies do they operate to minimise the segregation of pupils with learning and behavioural difficulties A prerequisite for effective mainstream policies for pupils with EBD and learning difficulties is the creation and maintenance of an appropriate inclusive school ethos. Daniels et al. (1998) noted that some schools are fortunate in having a history of 'looking after' at risk pupils, of forging close community links and working towards successful inclusion. In contrast, in schools where a suitable balance between stressing the academic and the pastoral has never been achieved, initiatives are necessary to bring about fundamental changes in attitudes and policies. In other schools, the quasi-market reforms of the 1980s and 1990s may have weakened their capacity for coping with pupils who challenge the 'standards' and published league table agendas. (Sheelagh & Topping, 2005) In all schools, the quality, style and attitudes of leadership (in particular those of the head teacher) are crucial to creating and maintaining an inclusive ethos. One head stated, 'We are a comprehensive school', before stressing his duty to all-children in his community, including those with learning and behavioural difficulties. In schools coping well with behavioural issues, statements such as this were an articulation of deeply held beliefs, and senior staff, imbued with inclusive values, possessed the skill and motivation to influence the attitudes and actions of their sometimes more-doubting colleagues. Many teachers and Learning Support Assistants (LSAs) have become receptive to senior staff initiatives to engender positive behaviour management. Conversely, head teachers and senior staff are receptive to, and supportive of, teacher ideas and initiatives. These is evidence of a desire to experiment with reward systems and a common reluctance to reject pupils, for example, through the frequent use of fixed-term and permanent exclusions. Daniels et al. (1998) noted that the direction, coherence and cohesiveness in these schools was generated by the leadership, but made possible by staff who were committed and caring towards their less gifted and more challenging pupils. Research indicates that, when not in direct contact with children, staff spend time talking to colleagues about work-related topics or student needs to support each other; to provoke reflection and self-analysis; to explore new ideas and to help colleagues to learn new skills (Hopkins, 1997). As well as being 'talking' schools, they are 'learning' schools using the 'do-review-learn-apply' planning and practice cycle in most aspects of school life (Dennison and Kirk, 1990) including behaviour management. Practitioners were engaged in an on-going re-evaluation of their work through formal development days, training and advice from LEA support services or through staff working groups. Lessons learnt led to adjusted practice (Daniels et al., 1998) and Cole et al. (2000) provide further evidence of 'learning' schools. Teachers and LSAs are then willing to use their school's Behaviour Co-ordinators (BCos), details of whose roles are given later, to observe and discuss their classroom performance and to review school systems. Behavioural difficulties are usually linked to underachievement and to learning difficulties (Cole and Visser, 2000). Missed schooling or social and emotional upsets are likely to be combined to make young people acutely aware of their recurrent failure in front of their peers. Their reaction is commonly 'fight' or 'flight', and help needs to be channelled diplomatically to address their learning difficulties. Close working between pastoral, subject and learning support departments is required although, too often, it seems that Special Educational Needs Co-ordinators (SENCos), heads of department and heads of year act separately, to the detriment of individuals and groups and ultimately to the ethos and effectiveness of the school. It is a feature of the 'good practice' schools in Daniels et al. (1998) that such divisions did not exist or at least that senior management was actively trying to bring the activities of pastoral and SEN staff closer together. An example was the placing of an assistant SENCo in each subject department in order to provide early specialist intervention for 'at risk' pupils and 'front-line' advice to subject specialists in differentiation techniques or behaviour management. In another school, in a staff meeting, the deputy head confessed to having just experienced a particularly difficult lesson with a New Year 9 pupil. The SENCo offered to see the young person immediately to establish what, if any, learning difficulties he had. This was their standard practice (Daniels et al., 1998). For a school to minimise feelings of disaffection and resulting challenging behaviour, form tutors have to embrace and not resist their pastoral role as mentors and supporters (Cole and Visser, 2000). In primary schools, there is more likely to be a tradition of caring and talking and of creating inclusive cultures in which all pupils and their families feel welcome. The challenge is clearly greater in large secondary schools, particularly those having catchments areas with a history of resistance to schooling and less local faith in teachers. Cultures can, however, be changed: pastoral staff and subject specialists can alter practice until they are perceived by pupils more as pastors than agents of punishment. Relevant and 'lived' comprehensive whole-school behaviour policies help to minimise EBD (DES, 1989). Such policies should: 1. Be succinct but detailed and in written form; 2. Used as a vehicle for promoting desired staff practice; 3. Contain school pro formats; 4. Give explanatory notes as well as flow-charts for referrals; 5. Make the links explicit between pastoral, subject and special needs departments; 6. Be seen as a resource to be consulted by teachers in times of need; 7. Be open, consultative and ongoing if reflection and self-evaluation amongst staff is to be promoted and the stakeholders are to feel 'ownership' of the process. References Alldred, P., David, M. and Edwards, R. (2002) Minding the gap: children and young people negotiating relations between home and school. In R. Edwards. (ed.) Children, Home and School: regulation, autonomy or connection. London: Routledge Falmer. BBC (2006a), accessed from BBC (2006b), accessed from BBC (2006c), accessed from Beveridge Sally, (2004) Children, Families and Schools: Developing Partnerships for Inclusive Education: Routledge Falmer: New York. Cole, T. and Visser, J. (2000) EBD Policy, Practice and Provision in Shropshire LEA and Telford and Wrekin LEA. Birmingham: University of Birmingham. Daniels, H., Visser, J., Cole, T. and de Reybekill, N. (1998) Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties in the Mainstream (Research Report RR90). London: DfEE. DES (1978) Special Educational Needs (The Warnock Report), Cmnd 7212. London: HMSO. Hannon, P. (1995) Literacy, Home and School: research and practice in teaching literacy with parents. London: Falmer. Sheelagh Maloney & Topping Keith, (2005) The Routledgefalmer Reader in Inclusive Education: Routledge. Place of Publication: London. Mittler, P. (2000) Working towards Inclusive Education: social contexts. London: David Fulton. Watt, J. (1989) Community education and parental involvement: a partnership in need of a Theory. In F. Macleod (ed.) Parents and Schools: the contemporary challenge. Lewes: Falmer Press. Read More