Private Schools for ethnic minorities in Alberta, Canada - Essay Example

Private Schools for ethnic minorities in Alberta, Canada Introduction The foundation of the modern society is based on the ongoing activities of socially diverse groups, and this whole process is perpetual in nature. Canada has long been the epitome of social diversity, and has consistently displayed tolerance towards the diverse culture, religion, and race of its inhabitants. Canada and the ‘multicultural’ aspect of this country that we are so well acquainted, can viewed from four different perspectives. Its ‘multiculturism’ can be viewed from a political perspective in terms of various policies and legislations, which has always been created keeping the diverse social groups in mind. Canada’s multicultural aspect is a sociological fact, when viewed from a historical/descriptive angle; and an ideology when a prescriptive view is given of Canada’s history of tolerance, to other nations, It can also be viewed as an ongoing process, where there is a continuous play of varying dynamics amongst the different cultural and ethnic groups existent within the Canadian social form. This ‘multiculturism’ or tolerance, which we note in the Canadian society, its legislations, and its judiciary, has not happened owing to the presence of some ‘ideology’ that has become an integral part of its social values. This social tolerance arises from constant negotiations and debates on the differences perceived in their religion, language, race, culture, gender and region; and these processes are all seen as a part of the liberal democratic state governance. So there is no doubt that all rights and duties as established by the legislations, or through the judiciary process, remain open to negotiations and to a certain degree of compromise. Similarly the topic of allocating public funding for private schools for the minority groups in Canada, has always remained open to negotiations, and compromises. There are 5 Canadian provinces; Alberta, Quebec, Manitoba, British Columbia, and Saskatchewan, that provides some amount of public funding to the private schools. However, with Ontario granting a complete 100% public funding for its Catholic secondary schools, the public debate has resurfaced on the issue: as to whether there should be equality as far as education is concerned, and no ethnic private school be made legible for public funds; or should the state support such ethnic minority institutions that are generally religion based, to preserve its tag of a ‘true multicultural society’. My article will examine various resources, academic books, research articles, Internet, and scholarly journals both in print and web based, to arrive to a logical conclusion, and take a stand to answer the question: Should private schools for ethnic minorities in Alberta, Canada be publicly funded? Discussion Canada as a multicultural society: “Canada... [Is] characterised by a heterogeneous population and an official policy that is multiethnic in nature...such a society will possess-to some extent-pluralistic social structures with differentiated institutions, and the degree to which different groups will interact in common settings will vary over time” (Commission on Private schools in Ontario, cited in Livingstone, 445). How a state would view and outline its diverse social form, especially in respect of its ethnic minorities, is clichéd, and always dependent on how it judges the visibility of its ethnic mix. There are two viewpoints from which one can judge this issue. The state can create a community that would be a single ‘cultural ghoulash’; or it can also create separate units/ghettoes for each ethnic group that would later be coerced to form a political unity. Thus, it would be “melting down the citizenry into a nation of “Americans” or “Canadians,” people who will largely share nationally defining characteristics and attributes, and, on the other hand, balkanizing them into officially structured units within the state, each with their own defining characteristics, attributes, and values”( Dickinson & Dolmage, 364). However one has to keep in mind that modern society does not function on such simple guidelines. It is not possible to bulldoze all the members and mould them into one cultural frame; and this is very apparent in the numerous leaks that have appeared in the so called ‘American cultural melting pot’; nor does ‘balkanization’ work, as we see in the failure of the former state of Yugoslavia. The ethnic groups in Canada fall broadly under a category of the population as those citizens who are not English or French in their origin, and also not a member of the native Canadians (or aborigines). Young in his article speaks of 4 ways in which such a diverse and ethno cultural racial group (as is seen in Canada), can co-exist peacefully within a social order. First, these groups can ‘assimilate’ and become a part of the host country’s culture, in this, they will have to forsake their own cultural origins. Second, they can ‘secede’, in order to remain separate from their host country’s culture. Thirdly they can adopt various ‘violent military tactics’ to usurp power from their hosts; and fourthly, they can also seek ‘pluralism’ where they can request the majority group to respect their cultural values and traditions (Young, 7). Canadian social order, its legislations and the judiciary system, has in most cases followed ‘pluralism’, where the ethnic groups have been allowed to maintain a cultural identity of their own. Lately this social diversity factor of the ethnic groups is being seen more in the light of one’s religious beliefs. Since the coming of immigrants from various non-Christian countries, the division is based not only on being either a Protestant or a Catholic; now there are Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists and Jews, besides many other minor faiths. The background history behind the concept of ‘public funds for private schools’ in Alberta, Canada: “Parents are entitled to choice within the public system, including alternate programs and charter schools, the choice of a public school, or the choice of home education” (Private Schools Funding Taskforce 1997, cited in Harrison & Kachur,107). Following the theory of social pluralism, Canadian authorities had conceptualised the notion of common public schools, and these schools “Having opened [their] doors to everyone, regardless of...race, religion, and ethnicity [performed] an integrative and unifying function...”( Canadian Civil Liberties Association, 9). It was viewed that interaction between various diverse ethnic and cultural groups within the school compound would work towards creating a better social integration that would be free of racial biases and prejudices. This idea was developed from various “major findings [and] surveys [which promoted the idea that]...for all groups, majority and minorities, the greater the frequency of interaction, the lower the prevalence of ethnic prejudice” (Williams, 167-68). Thus, these public schools born out of a liberal pluralism, aimed at the social integration of all ethnic minorities along with the majority community group. However in Alberta, during the years 1958-67 we find that many from the neo-Calvinists group (mainly the Dutch immigrants) chose to oppose this concept of public schools. They put forward the theory that instead of forming public schools, the government should also allocate public finds for the private institutions where the children of these ethnic minorities would study. The neo-Calvinists believed that public funding should be made available for all schools that were legitimate, irrespective of whether they were public, segregated, or even individual in nature. A look at Alberta’s historical facts will show us that, it was a part of the north western territories prior to becoming a separate province in 1905, and had already developed a public school system by then that was non-sectarian in nature and received 100% state funds. There were instances of Catholic schools that were funded, but they were well controlled by the authorities. At the same time care was taken to restrict and discourage the formation of other private institutions for the minority ethnic classes. Such a situation prevailed till the 1950s; with the mainstream thinking in Alberta supporting the view that public fund should be for public institutions only. Prior to the 1950s we find that Alberta state authority’s educational policies were shaped from three main factors: the presence of a strong Anglo-Protestant nationalist feeling in the state; a changing picture of the social fabric; and the rise of the theory of liberalism within public philosophy. Initially Canada had more of aboriginal population, but with the coming of Europeans, mainly from England, changed this social picture; and by 1914 “over half the population of Alberta could trace their roots to Britain, [and soon they started creating] dominant economic, political and social institutions” (Palmer & Palmer, 79).” These Europeans (British majority) formed a large Protestant population, and they gave birth to large-scale nationalist feeling, that demanded that the ethnic minorities pay complete obeisance to the British empire, and to the so called ‘uniform’ rules purported by the Protestant social class. These Protestants firmly believed in the superiority of their faith, and thus considered themselves to be an elite class. This so called ‘élite’ section of the Canadian society firmly believed that separate schools for the ethnic minorities would be divisive and detrimental in nature, and thus the idea of extending public funds for such schools were not supported. Liberal public philosophies too were against any form of divisive social order based on class, money, race, gender or religion, and thus also did not believe in any form of separate institutions for the minorities. So public funding for private schools for the ethnic minorities in Alberta were out of question till 1950, even though the constitution of Alberta and its historical legacy (as per section 93 of the Canadian Constitution Act of 1867, each province had been given primary jurisdiction over education and schooling), left enough space for forming separate private schools for the ethnic minorities. With the coming of the Dutch immigrants during the 1940-60s, a neo-Calvinist group was formed, and its members being devout Christians, felt that in the public school the “spirit of unbelief has become increasingly dominant” (Woudstra, 13). These neo-Calvinists felt that owing to Alberta’s schooling policies, Christianity had gone into a weak position, and demanded that they be allowed to set up private institutions that would be based on their religion. They also argued that under the pluralistic norms that the Alberta government followed, public funds should be made available to all the private institutions, similar to that of the government funded public schools. Finally on 29th March 1966, Alberta started the process of framing school reform policies, and with the votes 34-16 going in favour of the neo-Calvinists, a resolution was adopted, and the bill in response to Donald S. Flemming’s private member’s motion for granting financial aid to private schools was passed (in spite of the then Premier and the education minister not supporting the reform bill). This bill was implemented in 1967, and 100$ per year for each student was granted to the private schools, which followed the norms set by the government. Thus, Alberta became the first province to extend public fund aid to the private schools for all ethnic minority classes. Alberta at present has 4 types of schools: Catholic, Private, Public and Charter, and is also the province that provides the highest amount of public funding for private education. Private institutions receive around 60% or 2500C$ of the basic amount for each student given as aid to the public school, which is equivalent to 35% of what is necessary to educate a student at a public school. Public funds are also extended to students who wish to remain at home and study, and they receive around 16% of what is necessary to educate a student at a public school. However both private institutions for the minorities and the homeschooling processes are strictly regulated and the private schools must necessarily follow government set norms like, hiring of only certified teachers; government approved course curriculum; the school cannot work towards making profit; and must work on private funds for one year before becoming eligible for public funds. (Salisbury & Tooley, 11-12). The controversy behind using public funds for private schools: “Public funding should correspond to public purposes, values, and goals. Private schools are private precisely because their supporters prefer private purposes, values and goals over public purposes, values and goals” (Jim Rivait- 1997, cited in Thiessen, 99). The most oft stated theory, given in support of withdrawal of public funds to the private schools formed for the ethnic minorities, is the disastrous effect that this funding will have on functioning of the public schools. However, those in support of public funds for private schools, contend that the competition from the private schools would work towards making the public schools raise their standard of education. Coming under pressure the public schools would diversify their educational programs, and also give attention on improving the quality of the existing programs. They would also focus more on satisfying the parents, and achieving better results as ways to attract more parents, while also keep the existing ones satisfied. Those against public funds for private schools contend that such a step would create a situation where all the best students and teachers would leave the public school to enter the private institutions. This would drain all the experts and the assets from the public schools, making them bereft of any kind of talent. Thus it would set about creating a sort of vicious circle, bringing in inequality and bias, where the private schools would thrive at the expense of the public schools. Now if we take close look at Alberta today, we will find that in the past 15 years the fund for private schools has been increased, while the public schools have been given more freedom with autonomy. During this time period, it has been seen that Alberta has fared quite well academically, in all the national and international examinations. In fact it has done even better than all the other richer provinces in Canada, while spending much less on each child (Statistics Canada, 2010). So we do not find that funding has in any way altered the educational standards in Alberta, and the fear that all students and teachers would leave the public school to join the private institutions, has been proven to be illogical. “The largest transfer of funding to private schools is in Alberta, where 60 percent of the per student grant is given to private schools. Despite being well-funded, private schools in Alberta do not attract the largest number of students: Quebec (9.1 percent), Manitoba (8.8 percent) and British Columbia (6.3 percent) all have a higher proportion of students enrolled in private schools than Alberta (4.4 percent)” (EdInvest country snapshot, 3). Here we also find that Alberta is one the top scorers in achieving academic success, amongst the various provinces in Canada. “Both PISA and SAIP show that Alberta, Quebec and British Columbia generally have the highest academic achievement in Canada...Alberta, with the greatest amount of school choice as well as the highest international test scores, spends considerably less per pupil than do Ontario, Manitoba, Quebec or British Columbia. It also has one of the highest student/educator ratios in the country” (ibid). Thus, we find that, in view of all the available data, the arguments given against the decision for allocating public funds to the private schools in Alberta, do not seem to hold ground. The process followed in Alberta where public funds are allocated to various private schools for the ethnic minorities, and the great academic success that the students from Alberta have achieved, has shown that funding on its own, does not make or break an educational system. We will now examine some of the issues that are relevant to the topic of allocations of public funds to the private schools for ethnic minorities. Questions of morality and ethics are often raised, and the argument put forward that, it is ethically not correct to use public funds for private schools, as the later functions on the basis of fulfilling certain private purposes and goals. Personally, however, I feel that there is in essence nothing unethical in the matter of giving public funds as an aid to private schools, as long all the parents are made equal beneficiaries of the aid given. In the last few decades there has also been increasing debate on the issue of giving complete freedom to the parents to choose what schools their children will go to. This is especially in relation to the growing number of private religious schoolings that are being seen in Alberta, and also in other parts of Canada. Here we find an interesting argument that Barry Pashak had out forward in the Alberta legislature in 1988, where he had said that “what we are opposed to is public funding going into the support of children in private schools... [The] bill which purports to be a bill that looks at the rights of the children, but really what it does is it transfers all kinds of rights to parents. In any kind of organised society the rights of the state have to come first. That’s why you have a public education system” (Thiessen, 63). Here the conflict is between the state’s rights versus the parents’ rights, over the children. In 1985, the Woods Gordon report touched this point, and stated that it is the state’s right to provide a child with a complete view of the world, which may otherwise be obstructed by the parents. This concerned the matter of home schooling too, and involved setting the child free from the narrow frame of parental influences. Here in view of this argument I find that in certain cases this may hold true. Some religions tend to be conservative in nature, and often parents end up being like prison wardens, and narrow the already constricted world of their children. In such cases it is indeed the states’ obligation to exert force and see that the child is given a proper and wholesome education. This is especially so in cases of home schooling, (which in Alberta is also given public fund aid), and the state must take care and allow home schooling only under really exceptional conditions. In all other general cases, it must the parents’ right to choose what they deem best for their child. This is reflected in the in the 1988 School Act, Bill 27, where it clearly mentions that “parents have a right and responsibility to make decisions respecting the education of their children” (ibid, 64). Though met with considerable opposition and a huge outcry for amendment of the bill, Alberta authorities have held their ground which is in perfect congruence with the section 3 of article 26 in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights where it says that a parent has every right to choose their child’s education. My stand on this issue of public funds for private schools for the ethnic minorities in Alberta, thus, can be summarised as follows: Public funding of private schools for the ethnic minorities definitely cannnot be termed as a necessity; as we have seen in the case of Alberta, where more parents prefer sending their children to the public schools. However, it should be kept as an option for those parents whose weak financial conditions / lack of educational qualifications place them under certain constraints, and a socially disadvantageous position. It is better to keep all options open rather than allow parents let their children be home educated, or worse grow up without any formal education. The argument that the funding of private schools for ethnic minorities would herald the end of public schools, also does not hold ground, as we see in the case study of Alberta. The province of Alberta, that gives the maximum number of public funds to the private institutions for ethnic minorities, also holds the top position of being able to produce students who have achieved brilliant scores in all national and international examinations. So there have been no losses in the quality of educational standards, as far as Alberta is concerned. Funding for both public and private institutions must be rationed and well balanced, since public find is, after all, not a bottomless pit, and resources by all means are scarce; and thus grants from these public funds must be well contested for. The Alberta authority must take care to see that, either the number of students being given grants is limited; or it must limit the total budget available for each private school by placing a ceiling amount. There must be a process to check the income of the parents whose children are studying in private schools and receiving benefits from the public funds. Once their financial conditions improve, the amount of help must be cut down allowing the parents to pay more. While funding for private institutions the authority must take care to see that the private schools, especially the religious ones, do not turn into havens for religious fanatics who come to spread their messages for violence and hatred, and corrupt young minds. This is extremely essential in the context of the growing number of terrorist threats that we have witnessed in the last few years. Both France and England, after conducting enquiries into many such private institutions for Islamic studies, came out with worrying facts and figures. They found out that these private schools also known as ‘madrassas’ had become centres for creating Islamic terrorists, where various Imams completely ignorant of the real essence of the Islam religion, preached terrorism and hatred. The Alberta authority must take care that this similar situation is not created in this province. So, while providing funds it must also take care to provide guidelines, admission criteria and a curriculum to be followed, and must also supervise the process of recruiting teachers in such schools. The fear expressed by the Canadian Muslim Congress is well founded, when they say that public funding for ethnic minority private schools might mean that “more Muslim children will attend religious schools, and therefore have less contact with other Canadians” and “a new generation of young Muslims will come to embrace a more orthodox and archaic understanding of Islam” (Hassan & Siddiqui, Funding Religious Schools is Bad Policy). The Alberta authorities must make sure that this fear of the Muslim Congress does not one day turn into a ground reality. Alberta authorities must take care to note that the private institutions must also teach civic duties to all its students, irrespective of their class, race, religion, and ethnicity. However, here in this context, it must be mentioned that the Alberta authorities have already become a role model for many nations, as we read in article that mentions what Campbell had said, regarding the system followed by Alberta. “Alberta provides public funds for Catholic schools and private schools, including other religious schools. But Alberta also has put in place a curriculum-based exit exam that promises to ensure the teaching of civics to all students and to provide data for evaluating the civic consequences of different school types”( Wolf & Macedo, 15). Conclusion Public funding for the private schools for ethnic minorities, in the context of Alberta, Canada, is definitely not an essential criterion, in contrast to what some proponents in support of this funding for private schools, claim. Alberta which gives the highest number of public funds for such private institutions, have neither seen much rise in the number of students being admitted into the private schools, nor has it seen any changes in the standard of its overall academic standards; thus also proving wrong the detractors who claim that with the public funds going for private institutions, the standard of public schools would naturally fall. However, allocating funds to private schools for the ethnic classes does help in cases where the parents belong to a financially weaker section of the society, or themselves lack the basic educational qualifications. It is also best to keep all options open, since Canada is after all a democratic society, and believes in giving equal rights to all its citizens. Parents get the right to choose, and it goes without any doubt, that most of the times parents do opt for the best as far as their children are concerned. While giving from the public funds, the Alberta authorities must also keep a close check on the proper functioning of the private institutions, and supervise their methods of imparting education to the children in their schools. Works Cited Canadian Civil Liberties Association. The Public Funding of Religious Schools. Submissions to The Honourable Kathleen O. Wynne, Minister of Education for Ontario Toronto, September 21st 2007. Web. 5th October 2010.  http://www.samesexmarriage.ca/docs/cclabrief-religious-schools.pdf. Dickinson, G., & Dolmage, W. Education, Religion, and the Courts in Ontario. Canadian Journal of Education 21, 4 (1996): 363–383. Print. EdInvest country snapshot. Canada. May 2005. Web. 6th October 2010. http://www.educationforum.org.nz/documents/private_education/EdInvest_canada.pdf. Harrison, T., & Kachur, J. Contested classrooms: education, globalization, and democracy in Alberta. Alberta: University of Alberta, 1999. Print. Hassan, F., & Siddiqui, S. Funding Religious Schools is Bad Policy. National Post, August 9, 2007. [Newspaper Article]. Print. Livingstone, D. Public Rights and Private Schools. Canadian Journal of Education / Revue canadienne de l'éducation. Vol. 13, No. 3 (Summer, 1988), pp. 445-448. Print. Palmer, H., and Tamara Palmer, T. Alberta: A New History. Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1990. Print. Salisbury, D., and Tooley, J. What America can learn from school choice in other countries. Massachusetts: Cato Institute, 2005. Statistics Canada. Total expenditures per student in public elementary and secondary schools, Canada, provinces and territories, 2001/2002 to 2007/2008 (in current dollars). May 2010. Web. 6th October 2010. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/81-595-m/2010083/t/tbla20.1-eng.htm Thiessen, E. In defence of religious schools and colleges. Canada: McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP, 2001. Print. Williams, R, Jr. Strangers Next Door: Ethnic Relations in American Communities. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1964. 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