Language Planning and Language Issues: South Korea - Research Paper Example

? Language Planning and Language Issues in a Country other than Australia: South Korea Introduction An examination of Language education in South Korea must necessarily include some reference to the general conditions within that country’s education system. This paper will therefore examine the system of education in South Korea, with specific focus on the language planning and other language issues experienced in the nation. It is proposed that within the state of South Korea, Education is a system in deep crisis and particularly on the language front poorly implemented and underfunded state reforms have not served to effect great improvement. Language policies and the implementation of language teaching are not a traditionally high priority, and the global phenomenon of international migration has presented new challenges. South Koreans are increasingly mindful of the need to integrate and perform within a globalising world environment, yet their own linguistic legacy is closely tied to issues of culture, patriotism and the conservative reactions to challenges to South Koreans’ sense of nationalism and pride. An overview of the literature in this field is presented as evidence of the above claims. Based on the readings completed, a description of the conditions and the challenges within South Korean education is given. It is concluded that wide-ranging and fundamental reform in South Korean education is essential if the country is to produce citizens who are able to complete on equal footing in an increasingly globalising world arena. Literature Review Korean is a language at least 5000 years old and it is spoken by about 67 million Koreans, both in North and South Korea (Poonosamy, 2009, p.1). As recently as in 1945, though, after independence of South Korea from Japan, was an official national language policy formulated. The central thrust of this policy has been to rid Korean writing of Japanese and Chinese characters, with a view to creating a “patriotic conscience through a language of identity” (Poonosamy, 2009, p.1) but currently the challenges to language policies in South Korea relate more to the effects and necessities of globalisation than to the need to preserve cultural heritage. Being able to use Chinese effectively, for example, is currently a distinct advantage for South Koreans: they are then able more easily able to become involved in South Korean investment in China (Poonosamy, 2009, p.2). The China-Korea association is important for South Korea given the increasingly important position of China in the world economy. And still, the Chinese language it is claimed by Lee and Ramsey (cited in Poonosamy, 2009, p.1) still reflects intellectual achievement and the individual’s level of education in South Korea. Thus on both academic and economic fronts, South Korea cannot afford to have a “protectionist” policy regarding economics or linguistics, certainly in terms of relations with the Chinese. Strong opponents to elements of the incorporation of Chinese characters into written Chinese, however, propose that the kind of regional cooperation developing between China and South Korea, may lead to a “Japanization”, and take South Korea back into its Colonial past (Poonosamy, 2009, p.1). Thus it is that South Korea has to ensure that the decolonisation process begun in 1945 – see language policies referred to above – does not fail in light of the trend of globalisation. Additionally South Korea wants to preserve its cultural and linguistic heritage and still build economic and cultural ties with its powerful neighbours in the Asian region. But it is not only the Chinese (or Japanese) political, economic or linguistic influences faced by South Korea. Globalisation implies that South Korea has also to incorporate the powerful English language, acknowledged to be the global language (Herd, as cited by Poonosamy, 2009, p.4) and one which would imply that South Korea had entered the global world. It remains, though, that South Koreans would have to reach consensus that becoming part of the globalised world is important. The country remained closed for so long, that the view of writers such as Kim (2000) cited in Poonasamy’s speech, may be accurate: South Koreans see themselves as lagging behind, and thus embracing globalisation almost universally. It is interesting that the South Korean globalisation campaign, instituted in 2005, has seen results such as the criteria for employment in South Korean companies. In order to be employed, a South Korean will often have to have achieved excellent scores in assessments such as the Test of English for International Communication, alongside the already extremely competitive academic requirements for most jobs (Yoon, 2003, p. 28). Indeed, some national debate in South Korea centres on the adoption of English as the second official language. Proponents such as Bok (2001 cited in Yoon, 2003, p. 21) suggest that the predominance of English on the world stage would justify the declaration of English as a second official language and even, eventually, the adoption of English as the only official language, replacing Korean. This argument is based on the contention that English will continue to grow universally across the globe, independently of the histories of the USA and the UK (Bok in Poonasamy, 2009, p.4). Kim, 1998, and Yun, 2001, (in Poosanamy, p.4) argue, however, that the power of the USA and the UK on the world stage are the only determinants of English growth, and that proposals to replace Korean with English are a form of cultural colonialism. They consider that Bok’s is an assimilationist view, which would threaten the cultural heritage of the South Korean people. Nonetheless, the South Korean Ministry of Education did prioritise English acquisition in its educational reforms of the 1990s (Kang, 2000, p.18). But South Korea does not have a traditional or historical tie to English, unlike Singapore, Hong Kong or Malaysia. This it is even more imperative that South Korea find ways to adopt the international language while still keeping its unique cultural identity (Poonasamy, 2009, p.11). Efforts by the state show a desire to promote English language in South Korea, through numerous programmes managed by the National Institute for International Education Development. Training, teaching and cultural development in English are promoted by these programmes. It has become a question of patriotism to learn English in Korea, according to Poonasamy (2009, p. 13). Thus it is that South Korea seems to have acknowledged the globalisation trends, and is building an English-speaking community within its own borders. Despite this evidently appropriate policy-making, the readings also reveal that all is not without challenge. South Korea also has to contend with the general public perception of the current system of education: it is in crisis. Concerns regarding student satisfaction, teacher motivation, parental anxiety and most importantly, the “entrance examination war” – a long-standing issue relating to the entrance requirements of primary, secondary and tertiary education institutions – are widely debated. While the South Korean Government does support projects aimed at eliminating private education, such initiatives are viewed with suspicion by the public and the mistrust of public education is not removed because of such projects In addition, it is suggested that the educational reform plans implemented by government are just that – plans. While reform plans are designed, and communicated to the education sector, the resources required to implement such strategies effectively are not supplied (Baek, 2008, p. 7-9). Education is exceptionally competitive in South Korea, and the negative effects of this kind of high-intensity, sometimes stressful form of education model is commented on by a number of writers (see: Bae, 2005, and Baek, 2005). A competitive, expensive drive toward private education is widespread throughout South Korea, given the mistrust among ordinary citizens of the public education system. Baek (2005, p. 12) proposes that Korea, in the period of colonial rule under Imperial Japan, suffered severe oppression, also of its educational institutions. It was only after Korean liberation that the independent Korean government was able to plan its own education systems. This led to the sudden and rapid establishment of many, new higher education institutions and universities. Baek’s argument leads to the conclusion that this sudden input into tertiary education was one of the causes of today’s problems. Thus South Korea faces the challenge of entering the globalising world economically and politically, in the face of a historical and cultural conservativeness and an education system that is failing its people on a number of levels. Methodology Comprehensive research into the history of language policies and language education in South Korea will be sought. Government documentation and records, as well as education department journals and publications at universities and colleges, where studies into the system and changes to it are reported on, will be sourced. This work is generally accessible in both Korean and International Education practice and theory journals. Current comment on the system of education should be available in the popular media – magazines reflect the perceptions of people involved in education presently, and there are a number of websites and forums on the Internet which will give a sense of the current feelings about education on the ground. Within Universities, current analysis and study should be accessible from professors and students involved in education studies. Their work will, in some instances, be available in university libraries pre-publication, and can be sourced through the Internet. The summary and comments on the literature reviewed will be organized into sections, to identify language policies in South Korea, and to highlight the central concerns within this country. Findings Current strategies to adapt to increasing globalisation are being implemented in South Korea, both in terms of language policy, and overall education policy. A concern which remains, however, is that the strategies will lead again to the loss of South Korean independence in a form of cultural imperialism. South Korea has compulsory foreign language study throughout secondary school education, in both Asian languages and English. At primary school level, South Korean children receive language instruction from age 8. Time allocation per week ranges from 90-minute lessons to 4 hours (Poonasamy, 2009, p.7). Yet problems continue to be highlighted: there seems to be at least a lack of coordination in the educational approach to languages. Two languages are now required in elementary school and through Year One of High School. Both of these – Korean and English – are also essential if university entrance is to be achieved. In addition, Classical Chinese is offered as an elective in both middle and senior school, and additional foreign languages are also included: Arabic, French, German, Russian, Japanese and Spanish all feature in the curriculum (Fouser, 2011, online). Japanese is the most popularly studied language. Yet it is China which is South Korea’s largest trading partner, and as China gains precedence on the world stage, the need to learn Chinese in Korea seems self-evident. A large number of Chinese students study in China and the number of Chinese tourists in Korea grows every year. Then there are the negative perceptions of public education and the education system in general among stakeholders in South Korean education. A 2008 survey by an education portal site, Edujob, revealed that 98% of English teachers in South Korea, of a total of 303 surveyed believed that the South Korean English education policy “has problems” (Zwartshman, 2008, online article). The most common problem they reported is that the university entrance examination plays too great a role in shaping the curriculum and teaching. Closely following this perception is the problem that employers are using only English test scores for hiring decisions. In a study of 113 male students and 121 female students Kang (2000, p. 6) found that the motivations of Korean students to learn a foreign language – in this study, English – is dependent on mainly extrinsic components such as teacher/parental approval; grades/marks; possible employment or tertiary education opportunities; and good learning experiences (such as pleasant classroom environments and good relationships with the teacher) (Kang, 2000, p.16). No real intrinsic motivation for the study of English seems to be present. Student participation and enthusiasm must also be considered in more detail. This is a direct indicator of the state of public education in Korea. In a survey among ordinary high school students, 8.8% indicated that they avoid classes. 16.4% said that they lacked the motivation to study, while 18.5% of those surveyed claimed that they struggled to understand the lessons. Those who passively sat in lessons, without participation, totalled 23.7% of the survey group. Another survey conducted into the attitudes of students to public education reveals that 13.6% of those students surveyed indicated that they wanted to give up school altogether. A further 16.6% claimed indifference to school. And 34% indicated that they wanted to do well, but were struggling with overwork, and the level of difficulty of the work. In the same survey, teachers felt that they worked hard enough to foster specificity. Very few of the parents and students surveyed shared this view. About 80.7% of teachers indicated that they were eager to guide their students: 44.8% of the students, however, and 14.1% of parents agreed that teachers guided their students in any meaningful way. (Baek, 2005, p. 13). Private education in South Korea continues to become more and more exclusive and expensive, due to the escalating levels of competitiveness in the system. Already, Korean parents spend more than 20 Million Won (approximately 13 Billion GBP) on private school education – more than double that spent on College education (Baek, 2008, p. 2). For some time now, Korea has pursued a policy of “equal opportunity” in education, which has in practice downgraded the levels of education, until quality education within the public system is hard to come by. Public perception, also, has been damaged. As mentioned in this paper, parents, students and even teachers doubt the effectiveness of public education. In addition to the equality striven for within education, a policy of expansion has formed the basis of recent Korean government education. Rather than providing quality education, and focusing on the improvement of existing structures, the government has pursued quantity, providing more institutions and wider accessibility. Policy has also been focused unequally: on higher education, and secondary education. This has often left nursery schools and even elementary schools without clear guidance, resources and focus. Change is certainly needed at these levels, but the government has not created the environment in which such change can occur. Further areas of concern in current Korean education are evident. Bae (2005) examines a number of these problems in a publication of the Social Science Research Institute of Kook Min University. He claims that the collapse of the Korean public education system could, in part, be attributed to cliquish behaviour within Korean society. The social cognition of Korean parents dictates that success is dependent graduation from a top university exclusively. A survey of college students revealed that the majority of participants believed that their college backgrounds played a major role in their getting good jobs (Lee, 2003, p.3). A further cognitive frame dictates that living a successful life is dependent on a better educational background. This thinking has a striking influence on the school classroom, too. Given the limited number of available places at top universities, schoolwork is focused on preparation for entrance examinations to university, rather than on sound educational principles. Study methods are geared toward getting a higher ranking in these examinations, and a well-rounded education is ignored. Only those subjects required to gain entry to, and to ensure matriculation from, colleges, are emphasised. The regular school curriculum is often ignored entirely, too. It could therefore be argued that the future of Korean education lies in the internal practices in Korea, not in the adoption of foreign models of education. The achievements of Korean students suggest that extensive research into foreign models is superfluous: what must be done is a thorough overhaul of the local education system. Discussion The South Korean administration of Myungbak Lee emphasises the importance of overcoming the obsession with the entrance examinations within South Korean education, and encourages greater autonomy, originality, and competition. But, the problems of decent public education, ridiculously expensive private education, fierce competition for results in the entrance examinations to ensure access to universities and human resource development for unmotivated teachers have yet to be directly addressed. Public education, and the perceptions of this system among the people of South Korea, must be addressed: the ability of government to implement reform, which really becomes effective and measurable, is essential. And universities should not be restricted to assessing new student eligibility based only on the evaluation of scholastic achievement or foreign language ability. Language planning and policies within this context are logical – indeed it seems that policy makers have considered the previously isolationist nature of the country, and recognised that the South Korea cannot escape integration into the world. The concentration on not only English, but also Chinese, must be considered a sound strategy in light of the economic development of the Asian region, and the continued economic domination of the world by English-speaking countries. Conclusion The basic values of South Korean education, society and culture have to be firmly established. And certainly, a fusion of Asiatic and Western values will be necessary to prepare the Korean citizen to be competitive internationally. But it must also be guarded against that adoption of more liberal language policies do not endanger South Korean identity and pride in nation. Many studies within local educational circles explore the crisis situation in South Korean education. While some writers and educationalists emphasis the glories of the past, when education supported a rapidly expanding economy in South Korea, some are studying and researching the current difficulties faced by the authorities in trying to ensure that South Korean education remains relevant in the globalising world of the Twenty-first Century. Research into the problems does seem to have been influenced largely by perceptions. The public does speak of the dangers of a deteriorating national schooling system. It is a widely held belief that children need to get into the top schools and colleges in order to make the right connections in the economic world, and thus have successful lives. In order to do so, these children have to get exceptional results in the entrance examinations and in foreign languages to qualify for entry into these exclusive schools and colleges. A consequence of this is that children are attending private academies for additional help, so that they do score well in these examinations. It is also a consequence of this that private academies and private tuition are becoming prohibitively expensive, so that only very few South Koreans are able to afford this kind of support for their children. Therefore, the problems within South Korean education have a direct impact on language policy and planning. This essay has illustrated how education, while its stated intentions are sound, and policies are progressive and sensitive to change in the world, is struggling to implement and support a truly effective process for all South Korean learners. If language policy in South Korea is able to be effectively implemented and supported by government, the continued growth and success of Korea is certain to be assured. References Bae, Kyuhan (2005) “Sociological contemplation to Korea’s enthusiasm for education” published by the Social Science Research Institute of Kook Min University at pp.3-7 Baek, Jee Hyun (2005) “The attitude analysis of Korean high school students in the public and private education” in paper towards M.A. (Sociology) Kyunghee University, at pp.1-16) Fouser, Robert J. (2011) “Language Education Policy” in Korea Times February 2011. Han, Manjoong (2003) “Cognition and solution to the problems of private education” from a discussion essay based on a public discussion at an education seminar at p.1 Kang, Dong-Ho, (2000) “Motivation and Foreign Language learning in Korean EFL Context” available in electronic format at www.EDRS.com and accessed October 19, 2011 Kim, Kieok (2008) “A Great Leap Forward to Excellence in Research at Seoul national University, 1994-2006” Asia-Pacific Education Review, Vol. 6 No.1 at pp.1-11 Lee, Jongjae (2003) “Plans for problems of private education” published by the Korean Educational Development Institute (KEDI), Vol. 1, Edition 1 at pp.3-7 Ministry of Health and Welfare Report (1.16.2001) Poonoosamy, Mico (2009) “Language Policies in South Korea: Talk Anglo-Korean Epic Resistance in the Hub of Globalisation” Transcript of a speech delivered at the International Conference on Migration, Citizenship and Intercultural Relations at Deakin University, Australia, on 19-20 November 2009 Schwartzman, Nathan (2008) “Korean English Teachers: ‘English education policy problematic’” at asiancorrespondent.com available at http://asiancorrespondent.com/22382/korean-english-teachers-english-education-policy-problematic/ and accessed October 20, 2011 Yoon, Byungjio (2003) “Korean education system focused on the entrance examination and Skemp Theory” in Ph. 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