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Media, Family, Acculturation, and Male Partner Factors: Effects on Teenage Pregnancy - Essay Example

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"Media, Family, Acculturation, and Male Partner Factors: Effects on Teenage Pregnancy" paper explores interconnected social causes of teenage pregnancy. Based on five authoritative articles, some of the causes of teenage pregnancy are risk factors in the male partners, poverty, and low acculturation…
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Media, Family, Acculturation, and Male Partner Factors: Effects on Teenage Pregnancy
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Extract of sample "Media, Family, Acculturation, and Male Partner Factors: Effects on Teenage Pregnancy"

19 November Media, Family, Acculturation, and Male Partner Factors: Effects on Teenage Pregnancy Though the teenage pregnancy rate declined during the 1990s, the United States still has one of the highest teenage pregnancy rates among the developed countries in the world. Jenkins notes that pregnancy risk increases as girls enter their “early sexual debut,” due to peer pressures and inability to manage these pressures, among other factors (6). Teenage pregnancy is a social concern because it can negatively affect both the welfare of their children and the pregnancy teenagers. Rocca et al. reviews literature on the health and socio-economic effects of teenage pregnancy on adolescents, particularly not being able to finish their schooling and exposure to poverty levels, while some children of young mothers suffer the same conditions (186). This paper explores interconnected social causes of teenage pregnancy. Based on five authoritative articles, some of the causes of teenage pregnancy are risk factors in the male partners, family violence, poverty, and low acculturation. Social factors have a significant role in influencing risky sexual attitudes and behaviors, which are related to poor education about sex and sexuality and gender and racial issues. Pregnancy intentions are connected with social factors, such as family variables and power in the sexual relationship. Low power in a sexual relationship is correlated to early pregnancy (Rocca et al.). Rocca et al. studied the mediating effect of pregnancy intentions in the relationships between pregnancy and risk factors determined in past research. They hypothesized that the connections between structural risk factors and pregnancy incidence may be related to pregnancy intentions. Furthermore, they modeled the effects that removing any level of pregnancy wantedness on pregnancy rates in this population. They used a longitudinal study, which included a sampling of 213 Latina adolescents, who live in San Francisco. Findings showed that the chances of pregnancy were doubled among participants who had any degree of wanting pregnancy, after controlling other factors, although this is not true for those who were happy when thinking about marriage (Rocca et al. 193). The factor of wanting to be pregnancy is seen as an independent risk, rather than mediator of pregnancy. This study showed that some teenagers do want to be pregnant, although the why factors are not examined further. Some of the mediating factors for several participants in this study are their poverty levels and having come from broken families. The possibility of having a better family through building their own families may be a psychological factor that drives pregnancy intention. Teenagers who come from unhappy families may think that they can establish better parent-child relationships than their parents, especially when they think that they can combine parenthood and studying (Rocca et al. 193). These conflicting goals represent the concern that these teenagers are not always aware of the consequences of getting pregnant early to their socioeconomic, academic, and health welfare. They are not always fully conscious of the financial and social roles of parenthood that can clash with the demands of being a student and young worker. Thus, teenage parents have certain social factors that can shape how they see parenthood and corresponding sexual practices. While poverty and domestic violence are family factors that increase risk for teenage pregnancies, one of the overlooked factors of family influence is the lack of openness of parents to discussing sexual education with their children because of gender prejudice and lack of ability and/or knowledge about teenage sexuality. Aarons and Jenkins conducted a study in 2002 regarding sexuality and pregnancy factors and incidences, as well as use of contraception among Latino and African-American youth in Washington, DC. They pointed out that some of the highest teenage pregnancy and birth rates are in the District of Columbia, particularly among the youth who are Hispanics and African Americans. Their research design contained a focus group data methodology, where they summarized the outcomes of the research on eight focus groups that had been done for one year, and which involved 57 African-American and Latino female adolescents with ages ranging from 14 to 18. Findings showed that in relation to parents, many of those involved with teenage pregnancy noted that their parents were not open to talking about sex, while Latinas complained of the double gender standard, where boys are encouraged to have sex early, while daughters are instructed to stay virgins until their marriage (Aarons and Jenkins 19). Some participants were thankful to have open parents because they needed a reliable source of information about sexuality and pregnancy (Aarons and Jenkins 20). From this study, it is understood that parents should be open and knowledgeable about sex and sexuality because children needed adults who knew about the topic and who can openly discuss sexual practices and consequences. When parents are missing, or when they are not open or give reliable information, or are not seen as credible sources of sexual information, teenagers are most likely to engage in sexual practices that lead to teenage pregnancy. Most of the studies on teenage pregnancy focus on the young mothers, but one study suggests the strong role of male partners and their conditions and how they impact the risks of teenage pregnancy. In 2006, Tan and Quinlivan studied the fathers’ childhood family relationships. These are fathers who got females younger than 20 years old pregnant. The researchers conducted a prospective cross-sectional cohort study. They used a convenience sampling to contact the fathers of pregnant teenage girls. A researcher interviewed the male participants on a single occasion. Findings showed that the fathers were as likely as the mothers to come from home environments, where child relationships were poor or missing (i.e. fathers are missing), childhood experiences with domestic violence among parents were present, and parental separation or divorce were existing (Tan and Quinlivan 206). Other factors mediated the relationship between fathers and teenage pregnancy experiences, such as “homelessness, a lack of career planning, lack of a religious belief, smoking, drinking, drug abuse, unplanned pregnancy, and poor social support” (Tan and Quinlivan 206). These factors demonstrate that the conditions of the fathers of pregnant teenagers can also shape their ideas and practices regarding sex. With a large population of teenage parents coming from Latinos and African American racial groups, one study showed that low education and poor acculturation of teenagers are related to teenage pregnancies among Latinos. Dehlendorf et al. studied sociocultural factors that are related to Latina teenage pregnancies in 2010. They sent mail to potential participants in California, while the survey was done through telephone. Sampling consisted of 2,119 Latinas. Findings showed that language spoken at home and the mothers’ parents’ educational attainment were both greatly associated with teen pregnancy (Dehlendorf et al. 199). Speaking Spanish or speaking both English and Spanish at home was related to 17% increase in teenage pregnancy rates, while low parental education increased these rates for “23% of the increase among US-born Latinas and 55% of the increase among immigrant Latinas” (Dehlendorf et al. 199). How language affects teenage pregnancy is unclear, but this can be partially explained by access to healthcare and existing educational programs against teenage pregnancy (Dehlendorf et al. 199). As for the level of education, higher education may mean that parents expect more from their children and may inform them more about the risks of unprotected sex and the negative effects of teenage pregnancy on their children’s future (Dehlendorf et al. 199). This study is not saying that the more Hispanic that teenagers are, the more they are at risk for being pregnant early. Rather, it reveals the intersection between race, culture, poverty, and sexual attitudes and practices. It is possible that being poor, uneducated, and part of the minority can lead to feelings of helplessness and hopelessness among parents, which can transfer to their children. If children do not have a clear view of their future and lack goals because they feel that they are stuck in their lives as poor and unsuccessful people, the more that they may not think about the consequences of their actions and the more that they may not look for credible sources of their knowledge about sexuality. The media and its sexual content can also be correlated with high teenage pregnancy rate. In “Link Between Sexual Media Content and Pregnancy, Hostility,” Media Report to Women summarized the report from Pediatrics about the research of RAND that finds a connection between consumption of media with strong sexual content and risky sexual practices. RAND conducted a survey involving 718 teenagers. Findings showed that the risks of getting pregnant or getting someone else pregnant increased when teenagers watched TV shows with high sexual content (“Link Between Sexual Media” 3). Media Report to Women underlines that these TV shows focus too much on the adventure of having sex while young, without underlining the consequences of teenage pregnancy. This study does not prove that media is an independent cause of teenage pregnancy, but it gives evidence that these shows can be seen as irresponsible sex educators to teenagers in their formative stages of life and who are impressionable compared to mature adults. Media, including TV, news, magazines, and movies, tend to have sexual content because sex sells. The explicit sexual content mostly emphasize sexual as an important physical gratification that can be detached from emotionally-involved relationships. Teenagers only have to turn on to MTV and sex-themed shows to watch teenagers engaging in sex openly and freely. The risks and consequences of teenage education are often missing or taken for granted. For instance, virgins are ridiculed and stigmatized. Sex is then treated as a norm that must be perpetuated. The study of Rocca et al. shows teenagers who reveal that Latinas have sex as early as 15 years old, while some Americans have sex at 11 years old. If teenagers do not have other sources of information about sex, they can see the media as their sole or most authoritative source of knowledge. When this happens, the incomplete or skewed sexuality and sex attitudes and practices in the media are transferred to these teenagers. Thus, they are more likely to engage in sex without proper contraceptives and without preparation for the consequences of their actions. Research shows that lack of dependable and credible sources of information about sex and sexuality, family factors, acculturation, and individual decisions to become pregnant are related to high teenage pregnancy rates. Clearly, the direct environment of teenagers, especially their families and peers, greatly impact their sexual attitudes and practices. As early as grade school, these people tend to have peers or family members that expose them to sex, oftentimes influencing them to have sex early. The problem is that they are not educated about the consequences of sex and the benefits of waiting until adulthood, as much as possible, before entering into sexual relationships. Without social support and adequate knowledge and coping skills, these teenagers are more prone to having risky sexual practices, including pregnancy intentions. Hence, future studies should consider what society can do to help teenagers handle sexual pressures and how to approach their sexuality with safety sex attitudes and consideration for their future goals. Works Cited Aarons, Sigrid J., and Reneer R. Jenkins “Sex, Pregnancy, and Contraception-related Motivators and Barriers among Latino and African-American Youth in Washington, DC.” Sex Education 2.1 (2002): 5-31. Print. Dehlendorf, Christine, Marchi, Kristen, Vittinghoff, Eric, and Paula Braveman. “Sociocultural Determinants of Teenage Childbearing among Latinas in California.” Maternal & Child Health Journal 14.2 (2010): 194-201. “Link Between Sexual Media Content and Pregnancy, Hostility.” Media Report to Women 36.4 (2008): 3-4. Print. Rocca, Corinne H., Doherty, Irene, Padian, Nancy S., Hubbard, Alan E., and Alexandra M. Minnis. “Pregnancy Intentions and Teenage Pregnancy Among Latinas: A Mediation Analysis.” Perspectives on Sexual & Reproductive Health 42.3 (2010): 186-196. Print. Tan, Louisa H., and Julie A. Quinlivan. “Domestic Violence, Single Parenthood, and Fathers in the Setting of Teenage Pregnancy.” Journal Adolescent Health 38.3 (2006): 201-207. Print. Read More
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