African americans in sports - Research Paper Example

? African Americans in Sports African Americans in Sports Introduction Sport in American society is a ubiquitous cultural practice reaching far beyond its domain to influence the larger social, economic, political, and cultural context (Danish et al., 1990). Debate involving the personal benefits and risks of African American participation in today's sport environment at all levels continues to be an issue of critical concern. United States society focused on "instant gratification," encouraging individuals to pursue alternatives which they believe will reap immediate financial satisfaction/security and social mobility (Rhoden p. 42-43). Too often, however, sport does not provide social mobility and lucrative careers for African American. Background Debate involving whether or not the sport domain in the United States is benefiting or exploiting its African American participants continues to be an issue of critical concern. Specifically, as the discussion relates to the impact of the athletic experience upon the progress of young, African American student- athletes. Embedded within this discussion exist two opposing perspectives which view sport as either "the embodiment of the American dream of meritocracy and success" (Sammons, 1994, p. 215) or as an institution designed to operate as a form of social control. According to sport sociologist George H. Sage (2000) the fundamental difference regarding these arguments and in how sport has historically been understood lies in whether one considers sport a cultural practice or not. Sage (2000) offers a logical and rational argument for considering larger socio-historical context when examining sport issues. He maintains that sport is a cultural practice that cannot be fully understood "as a practice isolated from the social, economic, political, and cultural context in which it is situated" (In Brooks & Althouse, p. 2). The divergence in opinion regarding the utility of sport, as expressed by the African American community, has dated as far back as slavery (Wiggins & Miller 433). The sentiments of ex- slave and abolitionist Frederick Douglass on this subject have been noted by historian Jeffrey Sammons: From his retrospective position as ex-slave, Douglass considered sport and oppressive instrument and divisionary device to occupy the minds and energies of slaves, thus preventing them from pursuing more useful activities and fully appreciating their horrible plight (p. 216). Cautiousness about the current role of sport in the lives of the African American community continues to be voiced mainly through the limited amount of sport sociological literature addressing the subject of the African American athletic experience. As indicated by Gates (p. 78) much of the current focus involving African American athletes has been generated in response to the channeling and overrepresentation of young black youth into collegiate revenue producing sports, unrealistic dreams of playing at an elite level, and the alarmingly poor academic performance and graduation rates of high profile Division IA collegiate athletics [i.e. basketball and football]. Historically, higher education institutions have tended to view low achieving minority students as "problems" citing the student's inability to "acculturate" to the college environment as a significant factor. Tierney (p. 603-618) suggests that institutions reconsider this position and to consider their own inability to operate in a multicultural world. Explanations for poor academic performance [as compared to whites] in African American student-athletes have generally been consistent with the "problem" perspective, implying that these student-athletes and their significant others overemphasize sport at the cost of academic development. According to Powell (p. 73) African-American males “don’t treat academics with the same intensity as they do basketball or football.” According to Harris (In Brooks & Althouse, 47) the National Collegiate Athletic Association's [NCAA] Propositions 48, 42, and 16 were clear indicators that the "NCAA's position was that the onus was now on student­ athletes to better prepare themselves for college [presumably by studying harder, longer, and better for a college scholarship]; it was the fault of the student-athletes that they did not perform better in college. "Hoops Dream" as a Means of Social Mobility The influence of the media, the hype surrounding athletic events, and the ostentatious display of wealth by many professional athletes all work very shrewdly to perpetuate the "hoops dream"1 mentality. Unfortunately, it serves to encourage young black males to pursue physical rather than intellectual endeavors. It perpetuates racial ideology, reducing the black man and woman to a position of inferiority and mediocrity, particularly in intellectual matters. Even today, the stereotypical black is considered to be either an athlete, entertainer, or criminal and expected to excel (as in sports and entertainment) or prevail (as in crime) in those areas. African American students who excel in academics are often met with amazement as if their abilities rise above what should be expected of them. As Hoberman suggests: Black athleticism has complicated the identity problems of black Americans by making athletes the most prominent symbols of African American achievement…[B]lack athletes serve as the reigning symbol of black "genius" for a majority of blacks and whites (p. xxiv). For too many young black males, the "hoops dream" is their "American dream." It encompasses their entire scope of interests, assumes education is a futile attempt and has no real usefulness or consequence, be it positive or negative, for them. Consequently, they seek other alternatives which they believe are more readily achieved and which will garner quicker and more lucrative results. Mickelson (p. 44-61) believes the value a student places on doing well in school and on getting a good education, or educational utility, has two dimensions. The first is idealistic which is based upon the Protestant work ethic and suggests hard work in school is directly related to success. The second is context-specific, reflecting the idea that education does not always lead to success, particularly for those whose context-specific influences, such as race, gender, and socioeconomic status constrain the value of education. For too many young black males, very little value is attached to education. The Impact of Sport on African American Athletes Since the dramatic increase in the number of African American male athlete participants in college athletics during the 1960s, 70s, and 80's a major debate centering on the role of sport in the African American community has been taking place examining whether its impact has been positive or negative. Throughout the past forty years, this issue has generally been viewed from a sociological frame of reference and has primarily measured the influence of sport in terms of socio-economic mobility and to a lesser extent personal development. The impetus for the argument continues to be: generated in response to the growing perception that the sport domain is not "making good" on promises of glory, fame, and fortune for its aspiring athletes. Proponents of the role of sport in the African American community argue that it provides numerous opportunities for individuals to develop personally, socially, and economically (Rhoden 42-43). Historically, sport involvement has been equated with the possibility of developing positive character, earning a college degree, socioeconomic advancement, and an opportunity to pursue one's athletic aspirations (Harris, 33-70). Inherent in this view is the assumption that the sport environment, by its nature, is generally beneficial to its participants. According to such advocates, the sport domain is unique in that it is comparable to a meritocracy, which can provide African American athletes with a relatively "equal playing field" through which social and economic advancement can be realized. Moreover, this argument suggests that sport does not present African Americans with the numerous racist barriers pervasive in other societal domains. Many black and white athletes alike [including their parents, teachers, and coaches] have subscribed to the ideology that if they practice long enough, work hard enough, and follow the rules they too can reap the benefits of sport participation. Opponents of this claim contend that the role of sport in the African American community, as it is defined today, is not only having a disadvantageous affect upon the socioeconomic uplift of this group, it is potentially harmful to the personal and cultural development of aspiring African American athletes themselves (Edwards, 28-125; Sellers, 43-174). To support such an argument, contenders have referred to the ongoing social phenomena of "channeling" young African Americans into collegiate and professional sports. In most cases, these sports are revenue producing and include football, basketball, and baseball, as well as other sports stereotypically thought of as "black sports" (e.g. track and boxing). Noted sport sociologist Harry Edwards discusses some of the inevitable ramifications of this unchecked trend: This channeling process tragically leads millions of blacks to pursue a goal that is foredoomed to elude all but a significant few ... The impact of what would otherwise be personal career tragedies reverberates throughout black society both because of the tremendous proportion of black youth channeled into sport and the fact that serious sport involvement often dictates neglect of other important spheres of development ... (p.119). In support of Edwards (1979), Gaston (p. 369-384) maintains that the sport socialization process and reinforcement of the athletic dream has a negative impact upon the psychosocial development of African American student-athletes. Moreover, Curry and Jiobu (p. 33-80) argued that stereotypes of black athletic superiority have been instrumental in the creation of unrealistic aspirations among young African Americans boys, who believe that they will play football or basketball at the elite levels. More recently, Sailes (p. 88-97) warned of the potentially negative career impact of student-athletes over committing to an athletic role or "putting all their eggs in one basket" without developing a broad range of transferable skills that could be employed in the job market. Edwards (p. 345) has also identified long standing racist ideology and media propaganda as the culprits that have assisted in creating what he refers to as a "triple tragedy" in the African American community. He contends that too many African American families have bought into and perpetuate the romanticized notion that college scholarships and potential professional contracts will provide young athletes with their "ticket" out of unfortunate socioeconomic circumstances. The following section provides some evidence supporting Edward's claim regarding the reality of the "channeling" phenomenon as well as his "triple tragedy" theory. Implication of Hoops Dreams Every day thousands of aspiring athletes in the United States, lace up their sneakers, strap on their helmets, and break-in their gloves with the intention of fulfilling their athletic dream. Parmer describes these actions as a "multidimensional set of behaviors and fantasies propelled by the desire to pursue super-stardom through sports participation…" (p.334). Whether it is fantasizing about making the last second touch down play, shooting hundreds of jump shots at the hoop in the driveway, or sporting "Air Jordan's" to be "Like Mike," the dream of being a sports star for many of these hopeful athletes has been an influencing factor in their athletic and academic aspirations, achievement motivation, career expectations, and perceptions of themselves and others. The prospect of participating at the Division IA University and/or professional level can be an especially luring promise for those athletes who closely identify themselves with the athletic role and who view sport as an opportunity for economic and social upward mobility. Although the odds of becoming a doctor, lawyer, or college professor are significantly higher than that of becoming a professional basketball or football player, many African American athletes [and athletes in general] continue to take the risk of solely pursuing their athletic dream as a means to social mobility and recognized status in our society (Gates 78). For example, in 1993 a Harris Poll investigated male high school student-athletes' aspirations of becoming a professional athlete. Out of the 1,865 high school basketball and football players polled, 32% thought they would attain their goal of being a professional athlete in the National Football League [NFL] or National Basketball Association [NBA]. Out of the black student­ athletes within this group, 43% indicated that they would become professional athletes (Zimbalist, 25-69). Another study conducted by Lapchick reported that the odds of a black high school football player, even having a chance of playing Division IA college football was 1 in 43. The odds of playing in the NFL were 1 in 6,318. Out of the millions of black male high school basketball players who play at the high school level, only 1 in 130 has a remote possibility of playing for a Division IA basketball team. The odds of playing in the NBA, was reported as 1 in 10, 345 (cited in Griffin 99). Considering the probability of obtaining professional status in these sports, the ambitions of these young boys appear to be at the least, misguided and highly unrealistic. Although a few high school basketball players have jumped from high school to the professional level over the past decade, the chances of doing so are almost none, and no players have entered the NFL directly from high school. In 1988, The Center for the Study of Athletics explored the professional sport aspirations of college student-athletes. They found that 23% of football and basketball players who recently entered college reportedly believed they would become professional athletes. The aspirations of many African American male student-athletes have been translated into an overrepresentation in revenue producing sports (i.e. basketball and football) at the collegiate level. African Americans comprise only 4% of the total median enrollment of undergraduates on National Collegiate Athletic Association [NCAA] campuses, which is a disturbing statistic when considering that this group comprises 12% of the U.S. population (Sellers & Chavous 18-39). This disparity is more pronounced when examining the African American student-athlete population. Approximately lout of every 9 black males on Division IA campuses is a student-athlete (Sellers & Damas 55-76). Moreover, 44% of football players and 67% of basketball players on these campuses are African Americans. African American student-athletes who are over represented in these sports are generally from disadvantaged socioeconomic and educational backgrounds (Coakley, 23-55; Sailes 88-97) and stand to suffer most in terms of psychosocial development. Furthermore, the NCAA reports the percentage of high school players who eventually play college sport is 2.9 for basketball players and 5.8 for football. The percentage of NCAA players being drafted into the professional leagues is 1.3 for basketball and 2.0 for football. Jumping from high school to the professional leagues is even more improbable, as percentages indicate only 0.03% of high school students play professionally in basketball and 0.09% in football. The over-representation of black males in Division I revenue sports belies the reality of available opportunities. This illusive dream is also perpetuated by black parents, nearly 60% of whom believe their child will defy the astronomical odds and become a professional athlete and many of whom do not expect their children to succeed academically (Lapchick & Matthews 73-95). Many African Americans do participate in sport for the love of the game and not because of professional athletic aspirations. Therefore, some scholars insist the participation of black athletes is no more problematic than for white athletes (Shropshire & Smith 26-57). Statistics, however, reveal black children are more likely than white children to live in poverty, come from a single-parent household, and live in urban areas. In general, black students are at a social and economic disadvantage compared to their white counterparts. Although unfortunate circumstances are experienced by both black and white youth, the effect of the "hoops dream" mentality is greatest on those youth for whom sports seems to be their only way to emerge from poverty and achieve social mobility, namely black students. Too many young black males attempt to "rise up out of the ghetto" and realize their "hoops dream" by using college as a training camp to hone their athletic skills, gain national exposure, and secure a multi-million dollar contract with a professional sports team. Sadly, the lure of a professional athletic career often guides black athletes' college choices, and colleges prey on them. While not all athletic programs, and coaches are villains, too many have exploited young black male athleticism with no regard for the education of the same (Hawkins 2). Essentially, the "… playing fields and arenas at these institutions have replaced the cotton and tobacco fields" (Hawkins 2). Finally, the ruse is that athletics itself is an avenue by which young black males are believed to be afforded the opportunity to attend college and achieve social mobility by earning a college degree (Eitzen & Sage 10-15). Interestingly enough, while black athletes contribute to college athletics and are disproportionately represented in revenue sports, social mobility for African American players has not occurred in intercollegiate or professional athletic administration (Gerdy 5-59). There are no black Division I or I-A conference commissioners, and only 3.8% of Divison I-A athletic directors and 5.1 % of all Division I coaches are black, and although 23.2% of all head basketball coaches in the NCAA are black, only 2.9% of head football coaches are black, and only 7.7% of coaches in all other college sports are black (Lapchick 55-120). One form of exploitation of student-athletes, both black and white in revenue sports, involves a year-round approach to practice and training. As early as 1929, the Carnegie Foundation concluded that inferior academic performance by athletes was not due to lack of academic ability, but to the regiment of training and practice which limited the time and energy left for studying (Siegel 207-223). The pressures on the contemporary student­ athlete are no less demanding. In fact, the desire to succeed athletically continues to mount with pressure from parents, coaches, administration, fans, and the athlete himself. Therefore, the plight of the student-athlete in academic endeavors has changed little during the twentieth-century and the new millennium. Financial, political, and social pressures on schools to win and to generate revenue filter down through administration to coaches and then onto the athlete. Coupled with athlete’s own desire to pursue professional sports, the male student-athlete in revenue sports is compelled to place athletics over academics, and is, in many ways, supported in his decision. Although rarely announced, it is almost expected his studies will be secondary to his sports participation. When academics runs a distant second to athletics, degree completion are negatively affected. Conclusion United States society focused on "instant gratification," encouraging individuals to pursue alternatives which they believe will reap immediate financial satisfaction/security and social mobility. Too often, however, sport does not provide social mobility and lucrative careers for African American. In a highly industrialized country, i.e., the United States, formal education is critical to social mobility. It is the key to unlocking economic and social potential and improving one's lot in life. The blind pursuit of attainment in sports is having a devastating effect on African Americans. 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