The Formation of Social Movements in America - Essay Example

? American History America has witnessed a number of both developments and drawbacks with regard to racism since the period of the civil war to present. Formation of social movements, religious factions, slogans, and political affiliations were all aimed at liberating blacks from white oppression. Through speeches and demonstrations, black Americans to a considerable extent had their grievances heard. Among such blacks include; Booker T. Washington whose accommodative perspective as witnessed in his famous speech delivered in 1895 at the Cotton States Exposition in Atlanta fundamentally appealed for the understanding of the significance of the mutual relationship between blacks and whites which was popularly termed as The Atlanta Compromise while Stokely Carmichael who while at Howard University became the chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, that later changed its goal to a violent organization that could be used to forcefully address issues faced by black Americans gave rise to the famous slogan of The Black Power. This paper, through the analysis of Washington The Atlanta Compromise and Stokely’s The Black Power seeks to illustrate the differences, similarities, goals, and perceptions towards members of the white community by these two famous people within the context of American history. In the famous Atlanta Compromise address, Washington underscores the essence of a friendly relationship between the whites and blacks. According to Washington, blacks significantly contributed towards the economic growth of America. Unfortunately, their efforts were never recognized. He further observed in this address that this explicitly portrayed how inexperienced and ignorant American leaders were. This ultimately stagnated development, “ Ignorant and inexperienced, it is not strange that in the first years of our new life we began at the top instead of the bottom; that a seat in congress or the state legislature was more sought than real estate or industrial skill” (Booker 27). Washington envisioned the relationship between blacks and whites to being a complimentary one through giving an account of the classical sea vessel that was lost in the sea with thirsty people and a friendly vessel advised the captain of the deprived vessel to cast the bucket where he was. He emphasized on the need to cultivate friendly relations between blacks and whites across all professions, be it in mechanics, agriculture, domestic service, and in commerce. Washington passionately appealed to the black Americans never to permit their grievances to overshadow their opportunities through asserting that meaningful life ought to progress from the bottom and not the top. He primarily underscored the need for a compromise between the black and white communities in order to attain common consensus in decision making. Just in the same way he reprimanded his fellow members of the black race, Washington conveyed the same message to the whites, “To those of the white race who look to the incoming of those of foreign birth and strange tongue and habits of prosperity of the south, Cast down your bucket where you are” (Booker 28). From the Atlanta Compromise speech, it is apparent that blacks while serving as slaves to whites, they did it honestly and diligently. This is expressed in his own appeal “… Negroes whose habits you know whose fidelity and love you have tested in days when to have proved treacherous meant the ruin of your firesides, cast down your bucket among these people who have, without strikes and labor wars, tilled your fields, cleared your forests, build your railroads and cities,” (Booker 28). According to Washington, blacks in essence have the most beneficial characteristics that the white community had to tap. He describes blacks as being the most patient, faithful, law-abiding, and unresentful group of people that the world has seen (Booker 28). He appeals to the white community while guaranteeing that this relationship between blacks and whites shall remain stable. On the contrary, Stokely in his initial remarks identifies the need for a national organization that could be used to address racism issues faced by the growing population of young black people. Stokely held bitter views with regard to reluctance that was exhibited by the blacks for not reacting against oppression and segregation that was being faced by members of the black community. This is apparent in his words, “In a sense, I blame ourselves together with the mass media for what happened in Watts, Harlem, Chicago, Cleveland, and Omaha, each time the people in those cities saw Martin Luther King get slapped, they became angry; when they saw four little black girls bombed to death, they were angrier; and when nothing happened, they were steaming” (Stokely 338). Stokely through his comments observes that by lack of appropriate seriousness in pushing for their rights, blacks demonstrated a position of weakness. This is primarily the reason as to why the status quo of events has been maintained on the side of blacks despite pushing for their rights. These are some of the reasons that according to Stokely black power is justified as a liberation slogan. He observes “an organization pushing for the rights of a given group must speak in tandem with the needs of that group, must work to that group with a position of strength from which to air its views” (Stokely 338). Stokely emphasizes that the need of understanding two main problems being faced by the blacks. He notes that blacks are poor and they are black (Stokely 338). According to Stokely, it is from these two principal issues that other problems arise. In his speech, he observes that for blacks to liberate themselves, they need to acquire political power. This formed the basis for the establishment of Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. As he notes, “We had to begin with politics because black Americans are a propertyless people in a country where property is valued above all (sic)” (Stokely 339). Stokely emphasizes the need to liberate blacks from their colonies and he observes in order to attain this, it was necessary to shake the economic foundations of the United States. He points to the fact that for considerable periods, the United States has been like an octopus of oppression. This is evident in what happened in Vietnam, Harlem, Mississippi, Middle East, and South Africa. Stokely asserts that for blacks to attain their liberation, it is essential to break this pattern of oppression. He observes that the white community fears to face such threats and in most cases they prefer to talk about integration which only addresses the issue of racism and not poverty. It is indeed ironical that blacks are in most cases termed as being lazy and yet they spent most of their time picking cotton in the hot sun. Apparently it is explicit that there is a difference in which Washington and Stokely viewed their relationship as blacks with the whites. While Washington understands that the relationship between blacks and whites is a mutual one and should be cultivated to benefit both the two races with a compromise on certain aspects for the well-being of the two groups, Stokely emphasizes that since the whites have no mercy and understanding of the grievances being faced by the blacks, he perceives the two races more like enemies. Clearly both Stokely and Washington differ in their speech. Washington emphasizes on the need for a compromise by the whites to understand the importance and value of the black people. He observes that the two races are in essence complementary to each other. Stokely on the contrary notes that blacks in several instances have faced extreme oppression from the whites. He thus did not see any sense in debating over such issues. According to him, blacks could only liberate themselves through getting out of the bondage of poverty. This could only be attained if they acquired political power. Work Cited: Booker T. Washington. Up From Slavery: The Autobiography of Booker T. Washington. New York: Doubleday, 1959. Print. Stokely Carmichael. Black Power. The New York Review of Books 7 (22 September 1966): 5-6, 8. Print. Read More