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Changes in Federal Policies Towards Band Government - Aboriginal Bands - Essay Example

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The paper "Changes in Federal Policies Towards Band Government - Aboriginal Bands" highlights that the strategic location of a significant proportion of the aboriginal community in resource belts of the nation implied that they stood to draw in the best benefits from the move…
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Changes in Federal Policies Towards Band Government - Aboriginal Bands
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?Changes in Federal Policies Towards Band Government (Aboriginal Bands) Introduction The historical perception of the aboriginal people has founded its argument on the desire to restrict the behaviour of the aboriginals. Apparently, the perception has constantly illustrated these individuals as unable to pioneer their own governance. This implies that the natives have constantly been viewed as the individuals deserving the mentorship of the government and the subsequent authority. However, the developments of various statues that define the inclusion of various individuals or communities into the aboriginal category of the nation are rather biased. Apparently, it is evident that the development of the Indian status has sidelined the recognition of communities that were historically identified as aboriginals from their rightful status. This status may be considered essential to the identification of an individual, however it does not carry the main concerns centred along the governance if the aboriginal bands. Evaluation There exists an overwhelming list of aboriginals in the records of Canada. The subsequent treatment accorded to these individuals formulates the centre of attention that accords its evaluation. However, the first concern that calls for address is the interference if the federal government tone the running of the policies adopted by the aboriginals developed programs. Such programs are developed at the central governance level. The general contribution imposed by this perception is that the central government constantly fails to allocate sufficient funds that are necessitated in the realization of policies adopted towards the favour of the aboriginals and other ancient groups. An evaluation on the performance of the aboriginal programs initiated at the lower governance levels seems to be fully out of existence. This includes policies that seek to ensure political, social and economical stability of these individuals in the nation. Evaluations of the policies that can be identified at the regional government level are identified at the commencement of the late phase of the 20th century. This century had witnessed the developed of the Indiana act that sought to identify and address the challenges experiences by the members of various aboriginal bands in the nation. Apparently, there exists a differing perception on the contribution of the governing authority towards the realization of these policies. The chief question is centred on the exact input that should be pegged to the execution of the authorities, especially the central government. Initially, the central government was tasked with the role of ensuring that the regional governance access funds to support various aboriginal programs. Unfortunately, hiccups in logistics and delivery of services marred the whole process. Apparently, the bureaucracies of accessing the funds designated for the funding of aboriginal programs had proved to a rather cumbersome effort. This implied that there desired a need to establish a new set of instruction upon which the realization of the aboriginal programs can be ascertained. This may be described as the fuelling factor that has promoted the development and the subsequent adoption of various legislation that seek strengthen the Indiana Act. Several new assumptions have been enlisted into the act. The central concern has been the diversity of the act in terms of covering the stretching needs of the aboriginal community. The central challenges that were first addressed by the evaluation team include the quantification of the groups that fall under this category. Apparently, some communities shared the perception that their constitutional and national privileges were challenged upon the failure of their inclusion in the list of the recognized members of the aboriginal community. The intense efforts of enlisting all the communities that are interlinked under the aboriginal recognition bracket has been placed in consideration all along. The previous century has witnessed increased relocation of the first nations from their communal land into the larger population. Apparently, the initial perception over this intuition was the desire to expose the first nations to the dynamics of the modern society and improve their competitiveness. The federal authority under stipulation that were strongly embraced under the Indian act conducted this ambition. However, the move was marred with conspiracy as it emerged that the central government had focused on selling the land belonging to the aboriginals to the external settlers. The role of land in the lives of the aboriginals remains pivotal to their social and economical ambitions. Apparently, there exists an increased desire to relate the two as elements of similar calling since the aboriginals value their communal land. This may explain the eruption of increased differences between the aboriginal community and the central government. The situation was further amplified by the developments pertaining the Blackfoot reserve1 (British Columbia, 2011). The prospects of selling the land to new habitats were not to be accepted by the aboriginals with the intended ease. Apparently, the question of ownership of the natural resources was placed into contest. The general perception shared by the aboriginals was they were the first inhabitants of Canada, thus they are the rightful owners of land. On the other hand, the question of land was central in the ensuring of a successful government authority in the event of developing a federal state and an eventual democracy. This hard stance of options and perceptions can be defined as the fuelling block that foresaw the introduction of the land clause in the Indian act. However, the adjustments sounded biased in that the consideration of the aboriginals was not placed into mind. This left a vacuum of faith in that the aboriginals began nurturing unfavourable but progressive perception of the central government policies. The intuition that the central government believed that the aboriginals are incapable of addressing various concerns challenging their wellbeing was hatched. Apparently, the aboriginals were not convinced that they necessitated the involvement of the central government in the management of their land2. This development over land paved way into the development of new stance between the two teams. The government proposed the full observation of the Indian act, especially the policy on land. The act had awarded the central government the authority over the usage and ownership of land. The aboriginal community, on the other hand, was not willing or was rather reluctant to free their land in the arms of the federal government. The eventual outcome was the development of a tussle of war between the two parties. The central government retaliated the efforts to object relocation by withholding the development funds allocated or accredited to the aboriginal community. This development can be retracted into the contemporary Canada where the developments margins registered in the regions mainly populated by the aboriginal community underscore the margins registered in the metropolitan and habitants populated by non-first settlers. However, an argument on the discrepancy may be developed with the central point of dispute being the age upon which the policy was developed. This calls for an increased evaluation of the policy on land that was observed against the aboriginals in the development of the 20th century. Apparently, following the eruption of significance discrepancies between the two parties; the government appeared to have a reduced input in the lives of the aboriginals. This challenged its authority on the governance of the country since it was unable to make policies that could be adopted by the whole nation in unison. Subsequently, there calls of ensuring disciplinary measures are observed against the rebellious aboriginal community3. This was achieved in form of policy development that focused on capping the loopholes hat facilitated the development of a sense of independence on the aboriginal community. At the moment, the community seemed to fair efficiently without the contribution or the input of the federal government. This implied that the federal government had to initiate policies that would witness the submission of the community. These policies formulated the platforms upon which mutation on the Indian act was to be focused. The new provisions regulated the ease upon which the aboriginals could dispose their produce. This directly affected the efficiency of the citizens in running their normal livelihoods. The ability of the aboriginal citizens in sustaining their own lives was impaired by the regulations since they were increasingly productive. A significant proportion of the aboriginal community government command the agricultural belt of Canada. This implies that their lives are pegged on the performance of their produce in the external market. The new policies called for the acquisition of permits prior the disposition of their produce. The farmers had to receive accreditation from the federal authority prior to the disposition of their product4. The integrity of this move failed to recognize the input accorded to the cultural demands associated to the aboriginals. Apparently, the aboriginal habitants saw this as an effort to cap their freedom as well as regulate their customs. As expected, they proceeded to express rebellion against the twist with increased calls for alternative options being observed. In the quest to develop a centralize approach, the central government proposed a relocation of authority to the regional government. This was captured in the provincial laws where their own selves anticipated the provinces to adopt the regulation and the control of the land. This development proposed a new mindset for the aboriginal community who were rapidly loosing faith on the input of the federal government on their lives. The new rules seemed to recognize the cultural demands pegged on the aboriginals. Apparently, there existed a provision that recognized the continuation of the exercise of the cultural stipulations associated to the aboriginals. The new regulation allowed the aboriginal citizens to hunt freely as well as access the various natural resources that were initially unallocated. The developments during the cause of the world war two implied a tribulation in the newly fostered union between the aboriginals and the provincial authority. Various individuals were identified to join the British forces on the battle front. The subsequent legal disputes were now centred on their involvement into the state’s military outfit. The presented argument indicated that the aboriginal worriers were fully competent since the British government had identified them to be lined in the war front. However, it is the events defining the progress after the second world that defined the nature or course upon which the recognition of the aboriginals would presume. The governance of the various aboriginal bands had to be restructured. The federal government began to see the essence of their contribution in the development of the nation and prompted to see their exclusive involvement into the citizenship of the state. The most significant move of the moment was the official recognition of the aboriginal bands as benefited citizens of Canada. This was jolted in the proposed amendments to the Indian act that took place in the mid of the 20th century. Apparently, the demands of the novel society sought to identify all the citizens currently defined as habitant to a piece of the state to be enlisted as the citizens of the respective region. This was seen as a favour to the aboriginals since they now had the opportunity to be granted similar treatment awarded all the citizens of the country. The process of recognizing the existence of the aboriginals and accrediting them in the records of the citizens of Canada can be viewed as one of the measures that towards harmonization of the Indian community. However, the ghosts of previous government decision ascended back haunting the new policy5. The initial policies had promoted the existence of increased discrepancies between the aboriginals and the other citizens since the federal government had descended to the observation of extensive restriction in the general conduct of the aboriginals as well as their subsequent funding. Ironically, the government was now being compelled by the situation to establish solution to the initial injustice. Amongst the considered solution was the maintenance of the aboriginals’ status to the new citizens. This implied that they had to retain their Indian status all along irrespective of being recognized as citizens of the state. The central reason that promoted this development was the quest to narrow the discrepancy illustrated amongst the citizens. The adjustments in the Indian act were further cemented by the inclusion of a clause that implied that the aboriginals were now awarded the opportunity to express their democratic rights via the exercise of elections. This development was identified as a landmark in the quest to recognize the plight of the aboriginals in the Canadian society. Various aboriginal bands were now recognized for voting or participation in elections6. This implied that they were given the right of making decision on the political decisions undertaken by their state, as well as in the structuring of the federal government. However, the governing authority had to ensure that the development in the recognition process were restricted and did not eventuate into a situation where the first nations lose their Indian status. However, this new development was short lived following the adoption of new polices by the latter phase of the 20th century. The proposal of withdrawing the aboriginal status from the citizens of Canada was proposed. This implied that the Indiana act had to be nullified and the obligation on land reviewed. The communal land policy had to e retracted as the aboriginals were to be enlisted as minority groups of the state. On the other hand, the survival of the aboriginals was challenged by the environmental development where there existed increased pollution of the environment7. The pollution situation implied that some of the economic activities that defined the models of sustenance embraced by various aboriginal bands were highly compromised. The fish were slowly reducing as intoxication from the effluents of the new industry destroyed the water habitats. Subsequently, the developments coined along industrialization saw the exposure of the forest cover thus lowering the potential of making or supporting a livelihood via the some sustenance methods such as hunting and gathering8. The eventual outcome of the policy was the suppression of the aboriginal community since they had not adopted to the new introduced model of sustenance and lifestyle. There existed new discrepancies in terms of their gender, health and population balances. This compelled the government to establish new measures along which it may seek the address of the situation. Apparently, there existed a differing perception along which the success of the initial policy would be pegged9. This was further confirmed by the subsequent development in the aboriginal population, an event that called for the reintroduction of the Indian act. The new act comprised of a comprehensive health care proposal that sought to ensure that the health of the aboriginals was not compromised. The task of ensuring the health of the nation was accredited to the federal government. The realization of the eventual policy was achieved via the inclusion of the provincial government in the development and the adoption of policies that facilitates the observation of the proposed policy. The federal government, therefore, was tasked with the role of monitoring the undertaking of the program, as well as the funding. The program extended to the aboriginals was designed to presume the description of a communal solution towards the health crisis. The input of the central government towards the success of the program was evident10. Subsequent amendments to the Indian act proposed the establishment of balances towards the topic of diversity that treaded in the world, at the moment. A significant portion of issues were addressed, including the enactment of balances that sought to ensure that the aboriginal women retained their Indian status upon marrying non Indian husbands. The pinnacle of these adjustments was marked when the proposal of the introduction of an aboriginal oriented government that would steer the address of aboriginal solution. Final remarks The 21st century saw the introduction of new proposals in the Indian act. This was based on the sharing of resources11. The chief consideration was the benefit of the immediate community upon which the natural resources are established. The strategic location of a significant proportion of the aboriginal community in resource belts of the nation implied that they stood to draw in the best benefits from the move. This is best captured in the Kelowna Accord. The recent complains channelled from the aboriginal community is the reduced funding received from the federal government in the realization of various programs. This includes programs that prioritize the adoption of conducive environment for the dispensation of quality education as well as the enactment of beneficial health packages. Bibliography Australia. Indigenous television review report: report of the review into the viability of establishing an Indigenous television service and the regulatory arrangements that should apply to the digital transmission of such a service using spectrum in the broadcasting services bands. [Canberra, A.C.T.]: Dept. of Communications, Information Technology and the Arts, 2005. Mary, Polak, and Paul, Sam. Shuswap Band forest & range consultation and revenue sharing agreement (FCRSA) (the "Agreement") between the Shuswap Band as represented by Chief and Council (the Shuswap Band) and Her Majesty the Queen in Right of British Columbia as represented by the Minister of Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation ("British Columbia") (collectively the "Parties"). Victoria, B.C.: Ministry of Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation]. 2011.http://www.llbc.leg.bc.ca/public/pubdocs/bcdocs2011_2/508362/shuswap_signed_oct2011.pdf. Brownlie, Robin. A fatherly eye: Indian agents, government power, and Aboriginal resistance in Ontario, 1918-1939. Don Mills, Ont: Oxford University Press, 2003. Canadian Bar Association. Aboriginal law. Fredericton, N.B.: Canadian Bar Association, New Brunswick Branch = L'association du barreau canadien, Division du Nouveau-Brunswick. 2004. Crane, Brian, Robert Mainville, and Wasanga, Martin. Mason. First Nations governance law. Markham, ON: LexisNexis/Butterworths, 2006. Kleer, Nancy. Aboriginal law handbook. Toronto: Carswell, 2012. Lackenbauer, Whitney, Battle grounds: the Canadian military and aboriginal lands. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. 2007. Palmater, Pamela. The Congress of Aboriginal Peoples response to Canada's engagement process affecting Indian registration and band membership (McIvor v. Canada) (Ottawa, Ont: Congress of Aboriginal Peoples, 2009). Quesnel, Joseph. The fifth annual aboriginal governance index expecting good governance on Prairie First Nations. Winnipes, Man: Frontier Centre for Public Policy, 2012, accessed 14th March 2013, http://site.ebrary.com/id/10563098. Statistics Canada. Aboriginal peoples technical report, 2006 census census year 2006. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, Social and Aboriginal Statistics Division. 2010, accessed 13th march 2013, http://publications.gc.ca/site/eng/365347/publication.html. Read More
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