Critique of British Foreign Policy - Essay Example

? Critique of British Foreign Policy in regard of Libyan revolution Critique of British Foreign Policy in regard of Libyan revolution 2011 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY CRITICALLY EVALUATING THE MULITPLE BRITISH FOREIGN POLICIES IMPLIED TO LIBYA AFTER THE REOVOLUTION IN 2011 AFFECTING BOTH ITS DEMOCRACY AND CIVIL SOCIETY. I break down my critique on the policies by looking at various parts of the Libyan governmental structure that are affected by the policies put in place. The different sections include Libyans economy, its political structure and the social effect that the country faces in the course of the implications. It also involves the analysis of the influence implied by the International community and the British Government. The Economy One of the interesting policies implored include the two primary sources of revenue for Libya’s transitional government being unfrozen assets and revenues from the oil industry. The role of the British Government and the international community become helping the Libyan authorities to develop the transparency and accountability mechanism necessary to ensure that the public finances in Libya are spent equally and in a rational manner.1 Another priority going forwards will be the development of Libya’s economy beyond its oil industry. In addition to creating employment, economic diversification is pertinent to ameliorating democratic accountability which is realized when a government is incapable of solely drawing on revenues accrued from natural resources for its income, but must also rely on the enterprise of its citizens. 2 Security Rival militias continue to operate beyond the control of the National Transitional Council (NTC), in multiple areas including in the capital Tripoli. The holistic make-up of the nouveau transitional cabinet has unequivocally channeled it efforts towards ameliorating the sentiments of militia which gravitate towards their community/area being adequately represented at the decision-making table. The NTC’s declare interest in integrating militia into the defense forces of the state is indisputable in tandem with security concerns of the state. Concurrently, this will result in accomplishing the twin objectives of availing militiamen with opportunities for employment and bolstering the country’s underdeveloped security capabilities.3 The role for the British Government and the international community in Libya’s Domain is split in two. The assisting in the equipping and training of the Libyan security and the police force regardless of the fact that the NTC remains reticent to include outsiders in its security affairs at the present state. The second part is assisting the Libyan authorities to secure the huge number of weapons including chemical weapons, which are unsecured.4 The Tripoli authorities are trying effortlessly to get the situation in the nation’s capital under control. An ultimatum has been issued to the brigades that insist that they should leave by 20th December. This was done in conjunction with the Tripoli Military council insisting that the streets would be barricaded if the external militias had not conceded by then. The NTC’s interim prime minister contradicted to the councils implying that confrontations were not the best way around the situation. Regardless of this, an announcement was made that a major militia group of freedom fighters alien to Tripoli had agreed to leave. He decided not to mention the identity of the militia group though leading to slight speculation on the validity of the statement.5 Others members of the interim government further portrayed their support for believing that militias could be persuaded to leave or disarm from the capital though this was made with no profound deadline. Future Role of Islamist movements in Libya The function of Islam in Libya’s public and political life is highly likely in its future structure. However, the aspiration for democracy in Libya is legit and almost no Libyan is interested in the entrenchment of a theocratic state. Libya’s draft constitution dispenses a compelling guide which demonstrates a candid statement of intent of the country. It is pertinent to appreciate that a certain section of the document is categorically Islamist, stipulating that the rudiments of the Libyan Law anchored on Sharia. Nevertheless, it also specifies that Libya should mandatorily be a democratic state hinged on a multi-party system. It also commits the nation to observing and abiding by the international human rights law. The general perspective therefore becomes a democracy wherein the laws and social norms to stipulate are based on Islamic precepts.6 The British Government is expected to exercise zero tolerance on Islamist groups that endeavour to rise to power outside the precincts of the acceptable democratic process, or who make effort to sabotage and violate the parameters of the constitution having been elected. In instances when an Islamist government follows the due process to be elected democratically elected and governs within the confines of the laws, the British Government is obliged to unreservedly advocate for its values in Libya wherever possible. However, this should be conducted in a fashion that does not violate the Libyan sovereignty. Being a signatory to the international human rights statutes, the British Government is expected to capitalize on its clout to support any future Libyan Government to work within these laws.7 Political Reconciliation. The lack of an operational and fully fledged police and judiciary factored to multiple thousand convicts accused of assisting Gaddafi at the time of the revolution being detained with no access to due process. Multiple supporters have been abused, in particular sub-Saharan Africans, accused of being mercenaries. The British helping the NTC to resolve this situation must be given precedence, both in fashioning the mechanisms require to apprehend and indict such individuals whilst observing the due course of the law, also to prosecute those accused of engaging in mistreatment. With the contribution of NATO forces as well as the UN support, the end of a regime that held a steel grip on the country was brought down. The strategy adopted by the NTC involved silently recruiting members of the Gaddafi regime to the rebel side as well as promoting more uprisings in towns and villages as rebels forces closed in. By recognizing the need for the service of any post-Gaddafi domain and the close impossibility of rebel success in any open conflict against the regime forces that they would be included in any post-Gaddafi Libya and the success of this strategy was demonstrated by the intense delivery at which a multiple number of major cities and towns would fall into rebel forces.8 Civil Society and the Democratic Process The European Union has been handed the lead responsibility for developing the Libyan civil society structure. The British Government thereby declared its intention to direct its efforts accordingly. The Government is required to recognize worthwhile non-governmental initiatives by considering the scale of need in the Libyan society. Assistance is required at both the theoretical and practical level. Explaining the concept of why free press matters in the democratic society. It is not in the interest of the international community and the British government to hold sovereign government to account unless they prove perceptibly incapable or unwilling to put the interests of their citizens first. As citizens are highly empowered when there is an educated presence and prosperity lingering in the community. Generating the conditions for a free market improves the level of prosperity while promoting education in the society involves depending on good schools and an effective civil structure. As very little has been achieved of this in Libya, the influence of the Foreign Policies from Britain and the international community to push for this effort is evident.9 Other efforts implied to help develop the Libyan civil society include promoting the people’s freedom of speech. After 42 years of controlled speech under the Jamahiriya law, the civil society remains highly underdeveloped. Regardless of the fact that multiple NGO’s have been established in the near past, they remain under-resourced, highly focused on communal issues and are poorly coordinated. Numerous newspapers have been established, but lack proper leadership and expertise required producing quality journalism that reaches out to the masses. Improving the Economic Situation in Libya As the NTC has been badly shot of funds ever since they took hold of Libya in the past months and ensuring that the salaries were paid and the infrastructure was rebuilt was its priority. Besides the fact that the decision to recall the former Oil Minister Ali Tarhouni back to his former post. Past experiences in Libya have demonstrated that where governments do not need to rely on the enterprise of citizens in the country for its income but can draw on natural resources that are in its control. This increases accountability and brilliant governance can be highly reduced. To this avail, the British Government therefore ends up supporting the efforts to promote the growth of Libya’s private sector. This is due to the fact that it will not only increase the prospects of better employment and prosperity but increase the government’s accountability in the peoples view.10 It is evident that there exists potential for Libya growing in term of its private sector. This is because most of the Libyan populace is highly trained in high-value skills including shipping, engineering and construction. There exist high levels of literacy and proficiency, with evidence of this being that 92% of men are educated with women’s figures standing at 72% . During Gaddafi’s reign, the state employed more than 60% of the Libyan workforce and the rest were considered to be unemployed. Therefore, there exists a possibility for private sector growth that would in turn benefit the economy of Libya. One of the ways in which the government could spur this growth is with the establishment of a free market. This could in turn be influenced by the British Government, in that it can play an advisory role. They can achieve this by influencing the NTC on educational ventures and existing business regulations but the focus, meanwhile, should be on restoring law, order and peace in the country.11 Criticisms on the current approach. The British government’s intercession into the Libyan situation has received mass appeal but it is unfortunate that the government chose to approach the Gaddafi governance directly, this being during the UNSCR 1973 and every year hence. The Libyan response to this is that the FCO should get their heads out of the sand, leave their hotel suites and do actual on-the-ground investigations. The same feelings were directed towards the Department for International development (DFID)’s decision to follow the UN’s directives on the matter. There is a need to include agencies such as the Mercy Corps and USAID which drive for the redevelopment of countries faced by such countries. This is because they focus more on building up the grassroots potential of the country and making them aware of their equality, as compared to initiatives that focus on the elite class if citizens.12 The radical reprisal of UK policy towards Libya due to the “Arab Spring”. After the British Prime Minister pointed out the view that had prevailed for a period of time across a significant section of the UK political establishment. That being the stability in the Arab world would require control of regimes and that the reform would put that stability at risk. As the strategic interests of the British government demand the stability of the Arab world, the view was crystal clear: the UK can choose to advance its values or it would choose to protect its interests. For the United Kingdom to set an example of stable and reliable sources for its oil supplies, it would do much better compared to Norway. By the nature of governance in Libya being ‘authoritarian’, democratic countries are accountable to the citizens and are much more likely to sever their interests in a better way reducing levels of popular discontent. When democratic countries fail, citizens have the power to replace the government by peaceful means through a vote. Meanwhile, authoritarian governments are less likely to sever the best interest of the citizens by virtues of not being accountable. It is also impossible for citizens to replace such governments which often relates to a bloodshed type of government exchange.13 In search of a democratic solution to the Libyan society, British policies include working closely with the Libyan society while including the Libyan government as well. The covenant of internationally accepted human rights laws should also be respected regardless of the elected government chosen.14 The stance chosen by the British Government towards the Islamists in Libya is influenced by the manner of the relationship forged between the Libyan people and the British as well as the policies they seek to advance. Assuming a constitution specifying Islam as its principal source of jurisprudence, the British Government will have to conform to that and include policies to work flawlessly with this. Conclusion. I look to exploit the level of British influence on the Libyan government through the Foreign Policies implored and the international relations. There is a high influence on the new Libyan government implied by the British government through the policies described in this report. However, the ability of the Libyan government to choose what policies to debate on or implement lies in their hand. And as such, the Libyan people still have the power to choose the course of the rebirth of the Libyan nation. References BBC, ‘Libya oil output to return to pre-war levels the following year’ (2011) accessed 19 April 2012 BBC, ‘UN lifts sanctions on Libyans key banks’ (2011) accessed 19April 2012 Foreign and Commonwealth Office, ‘Foreign Secretary welcomes lifting of sanctions on Libyan Banks’(2011) accessed 19 April 2012 Transparency International, ‘Corruption Perceptions Index’ (2011) accessed 19 April 2012 United Nations Security Council Report, Report of the Secretary General on the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (2011) Read More