Desegregation of Public Schools in Boston - Essay Example

?Desegregation of Public Schools in Boston Part A - Issue The desegregation of public Schools in the 1970s has played a pivotal role in molding today’s Boston. This has not only brought about revolutionary changes to the public school system in the nation but also contributed towards radical positive changes to the lives of many black and other minority Bostonians. One needs to understand desegregation of public schools in Boston in the light of the racial history, racist legacy, subjugation and isolation of the racial minorities in America (Showell 95). Showell goes on to observe that racial segregation in America “is the result of direct and indirect governmental policies and activities designed to foster racial exclusion and subjugation” (Showell 96). On the other hand, desegregation in Boston has brought about mixed responses. The opponents of desegregation argue that busing has resulted in an increased white-flight, considerable decline in white enrollment, increased racial imbalance, low levels of educational quality and paved way for more of racial tensions and violence in the Boston public schools (Buell & Brisbin 151-160). Many white-flight studies have pinpointed that school desegregation has resulted in white enrollment drop off and that court-ordered busing was partly instrumental in the “steep decline in white enrollments during the first two phases of Judge Garrity’s program” (Buell & Brisbin 152). On the other hand, one can never undermine the positive impacts of desegregation on the lives of many black and other minority Bostonians. This paper seeks to explore how desegregation of public Schools in the 1970s has affected the Bostonian society and in doing so the paper addresses key issues pointed out by the opponents of desegregation. The opponents of desegregation uphold that Boston busing paved way for racial imbalance in Boston Public schools and therefore it is worthwhile to analyze how far busing has contributed to racial imbalance. As per the judicial policy, a school becomes “racially imbalanced on account of enrolling too few or too many whites, too few or too many blacks, too few or too many students of other races” (Buell & Brisbin 154-155). Even though one can find instances of racial imbalance in certain South Boston schools one can find a gradual decrease in racial imbalance with the introduction of desegregation measures. A comparison of the statistics regarding the racial imbalance in Boston Public Schools according to District Court Guidelines in 1975 and 1980 reveals this. In 1975 schools with too many whites were 20 (35 in 1980); schools with too few whites were 47 (44 in 1980); schools with too many blacks were 43 (21 in 1980); schools with too few blacks were 24 (37 in 1980), schools with too many others were 41 (34 in 1980) and schools with too few others were 52 in comparison with 57 schools in 1980 (Buell & Brisbin 155). As evident from these statistics desegregation has considerably reduced racial isolation in the Boston schools. The opponents of desegregation also hold that the system has declined educational quality and has increased high school drop-out rates. For them, desegregation enhances racial achievement gaps as they believe that the pace of white instruction needs to be slowed so as to accommodate such black slow learners (Buell & Brisbin 161). It is also worthwhile to analyze the teacher perceptions of educational quality and to know whether the percentage of high school graduates pursuing higher education has undergone any positive changes. While the number of high school graduates has considerably increased most senior faculties are not so happy with the student performance since judicial intervention: “almost half of the senior faculty saw decline while only 13 percent reported improvement” (Buell & Brisbin 163). On the other hand, the magnet schools specially designed for desegregation came out with so many success stories of Boston busing and very often the media and press evaluated desegregation progress based on these magnet schools. The magnet educational programs aimed at curricular innovation and racial integration and interracial learning goals of these schools included the exposure of stereotypes and the development of mutual respect (Buell & Brisbin 164). The judicial systems of the nation and various court rulings have played pivotal roles in the desegregation process of American public schools. The origins of civil rights movement and legal fight against segregation can be traced back to the Dred Scott Case of 1857 and the Plessy v. Ferguson case of 1892. The decade from 1945 to 1955 marked many early Civil Rights Struggles in this regard. The court’s ruling on the segregation case of was Sweatt v. Painter in 1950 was a significant landmark in University integration. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a landmark as it “encouraged school desegregation by providing technical assistance to school boards in the preparation, adoption, and implementation of desegregation plans, and by establishing administrative enforcement proceedings which could lead to termination of Federal funds to school districts if noncompliance with the act were found” (U.S Commission on Civil rights 60). Similarly, Bolling v. Sharpe and Brown v. Board of Education cases were instrumental in fighting against segregation in Boston public schools. These significant segregation cases were followed by Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg (1971) and Judge W. Arthur Garrity’s efforts to introduce desegregation in Boston public schools amidst a number of protests and violence. Part B - Analysis: The issue of desegregation of public schools was significant for Boston as it marked a sea change in the public education system as well as in the social life of many black and other minority Bostonians. The American public school system was characterized by segregation and racial inequality until efforts have been undertaken to integrate and desegregate the public school system in the mid-1900s. In the early 1970s the Supreme Court undertook some remarkable measures to fight segregation in Boston Public schools. While desegregation proved to be easier in the South as whites and blacks lived in close proximity the segregated housing patterns in the North prevented easy integration. While there have been heated discussions and debates over desegregation the issue’s tipping point occurred in 1971 in the Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg case when the Court ruled busing as an effective measure to achieve integration (Cozzens). Similarly, the issue of desegregation in Boston assumed new dimensions in the next year when the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts observed that public schools in Boston are unconstitutionally segregated (Cozzens). However, the major players to initiate action were yet to appear on the scene. An important turning point regarding desegregation of Boston public schools occurred in 1974 with the intervention of Judge W. Arthur Garrity. In 1974, Judge W. Arthur Garrity found that segregation was still prevalent in the Boston Public Schools and he sought to eradicate segregation through different phases. Charles Glenn played a key role during the first phase of desegregation of public schools in Boston. He initiated busing whereby black students were taken from Roxbury to white-dominated public schools in South Boston (Cozzens, Boston Under the Phase I Plan). Later, Judge Garrity, drawing conclusions from the drawbacks of the system, had prepared a more competent phase II plan for desegregation in Boston by this time. In his permanent Phase II plan, Judge W. Arthur Garrity sought the assistance of a team of school desegregation experts and special care was taken to enforce “more uniform racial mix across all schools” (Cozzens, Devising the Phase II Plan). Thirty two specialist magnet schools were set up for this purpose and in spite of ongoing protests, violence and racial tensions desegregation of Boston Public schools became a reality. Similarly, METCO (Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity, Inc.) has played a pivotal role in the desegregation of Boston Public schools. Originally funded by the Federal government METCO aims at providing “opportunity for an integrated public school education for urban black and minority children from racially imbalanced schools in Boston by placing them in suburban schools” (Seldon 149). As such METCO not only finds needy students but also negotiate with participating schools for student spaces and offers bus services for the suburban students. METCO’s challenges consist of incorporating multicultural perspectives into curriculum, developing black studies programs, hiring black and other minority staffs and offering adequate special counseling services (Seldon 150). In METCO schools’ communities resident families volunteer to become METCO host families and very often white children are invited on weekends to their black friends’ families to share their experiences and culture so that these white students learn important lessons of desegregation in real life situations. METCO’s efforts have increased the number of minority graduates pursuing higher studies, improved peer relationship among the black and white learners, and increased parents’ expectations of their children in terms of educational attainment and achievement. However, finding problems have adversely affected the good services rendered by METCO. The organization had to cut short its staff and services due to insufficient fund from the state legislature due to inflation and changes in political winds. Strengthening of METCO, in this respect, presupposes adequate support services, employment of minority school staff, expansion of teacher training in multiracial and multicultural education, developing multicultural curriculum and multicultural resources, moving from desegregation toward integration, and creation of conducive institutional environment (Seldon 157-158). Thus, it can be stated that METCO was the first step towards attaining equal educational treatment, desegregation and quality of education to the minority students in Boston. METCO started its educational services almost eight years before the court orders regarding desegregation and it continues to be the leading organization even today. Today, the METCO programs have been supervised by the Massachusetts Department of Education and it is the state that funds the METCO programs on an annual basis. It is also worthwhile to analyze the major conflicts and consequences of the issue in the Boston society. As an immediate consequence, the Boston busing arrangement and the integration efforts met with strong protests and violence in many South Boston schools. These protests varied from stoning, shouting racial epithets, hurling eggs and rotten tomatoes to causing injuries to the black students. Racial tensions dominated the scene and many white families boycotted from Boston public schools by sending their children for tutorial sessions at night. However, the black students were able to complete their first desegregated school year in the phase 1 plan. However, white boycotts and violence from white students continued to prevail in the newly segregated public schools. This prompted the black students to form a Minority Students' Council that could protect the interests of the black students. It was racism, opposition to busing and the fear of black crimes in schools that forced many white parents to turn against desegregation. However, these protests gradually subsided and Boston later saw the best of desegregated public school system where racial equality and mutual respect for the opposite race prevailed. Similarly, desegregation of Boston public schools had both intended and unintended consequences on today’s Boston. While the intended consequences comprised of an increased level of black educational attainment and employment the unintended consequences culminated in decline in white enrolment and unexpected fiscal crisis. During the 1970s desegregation resulted in a large decline in white enrollment in Boston public schools. During the academic year 1964-1965 the white enrolment percentage was 75.6; in 1969-70 it was reduced to 66% and in 1974-75 it was 52.4% and by 1979-80 the white enrollment percentage was only 37.3 (Buell & Brisbin 152). It can thus be seen that desegregation resulted in a gradual decline in the white enrollment in Boston public schools. These increasing rates of white enrolment decline in Boston resulted in a subsequent increase of white students in the Boston Catholic private schools. A considerable number of white students fleeing desegregation were absorbed by these Catholic schools. In fact, the archdiocese schools proved to be “a haven for whites leaving the Boston Public Schools after Phase 1” (Buell & Brisbin 153). Desegregation not only surged racial tensions and school drop outs but it also created fiscal emergency for Boston in 1976. Even when researchers point out that desegregation was just one of the reasons for the fiscal emergency and subsequent tax increase it is a fact that “Boston got millions in desegregation-related aid from the state and federal governments” (Buell & Brisbin 168). However, it has been pointed out that the fiscal crisis of 1976 was a result of an archaic tax system and patronage politics that prevailed in Boston. It is a fact that the blacks in Boston suffered from poor educational attainment and unemployment. The Massachusetts Division of Employment Security in 19 74 identified that “about 8.1 percent of whites and 13.0 percent of blacks in Boston were unemployed” and by March 1975, “an estimated 20.5 percent of Boston's black labor force participants were unemployed” (U.S Commission on Civil rights 10). Similarly, the U.S Commission on Civil rights also identified that most Boston Blacks were employed in sales or service occupations rather than in professional, managerial or clerical occupations. Desegregation was the only solution to uplift the educational standards and occupational status of the minority communities in Boston. Part C – Future: To conclude, it can undoubtedly be stated that desegregation of Boston public schools had had far reaching implications not only for the black and minority communities in Boston. The entire American public school system benefited from this. Even though desegregation resulted in an initial white-flight and decline in white enrollment, it has contributed towards multiculturalism and multicultural perspectives in education. In a multicultural public school system both whites and blacks are more likely to learn important lessons of mutual recognition and mutual respect. Similarly, desegregation has minimized the racial achievement gaps between the blacks and the whites. It paved way for curricular innovation and racial integration. In the same way, desegregation has had a positive impact on black educational attainment and achievement as well. No doubt, desegregation of public schools has reflected in such great achievement as Barack Obama becoming the first African American to hold the office of American president. Works Cited Buell, Emmett H and Brisbin, Richard A. School desegregation and defended neighborhoods: the Boston controversy. Illustrated ed; Lexington Books, 1982. Print. Cozzens, Lisa. “School Integration in Boston: Background.” African American History. Web. 8 July 2012. ---. “School Integration in Boston: Boston Under the Phase I Plan.” African American History. Web. 8 July 2012. Seldon, Horace. “METCO: A Voluntary Desegregation Option.” New Perspectives on School Integration. Ed. Murray Friedman, Roger Meltzer and Charles Miller. Fortress Press: Philadelphia, 1979. 149-161. Print. Showell, Betty. “The Courts, the Legislature, the Presidency, and School Desegregation Policy.” School Desegregation: Shadow and Substance. Ed. Florence Hamlish Levinsohn and Benjamin Drake and Wright. University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1966. 95-110. Print. U.S Commission on Civil rights. “School desegregation in Boston.” A staff report prepared for the hearing of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights in Boston, Massachusetts, June 1975. Web. 8 July 2012. Read More