The Nature of Popular Protest in South Africa Between - Coursework Example

Examine the nature of popular protest in South Africa between 1969 and 1990. By Institute Examine the nature of popular protest in South Africa between 1969 and 1990. During the period of 1969 to 1990, South Africa went under considerable transition in terms of the region’s political sphere along with its social and class structure. While the former was dominated by ‘exile movements’ and internal feuding in crucial political parties such as the African National Congress (ANC), the latter was submerged in the degeneration of different aspects of the African life: loss of livestock which consequently led to the loss of a sustainable form of earning for the family, no or very poor options available as alternative employment, and poor quality education owing to the lack of trained educators. Adding oil to fire was the on-going recession which did not make things any better for the rural or migrant class in the region. This paper will be analyzing the aforementioned aspects, beginning with the political sphere and then shifting to the social front. With respect to the political status, Lodge has mentioned how ‘the body was not organizationally geared to undertake the urgent task of undertaking people’s war’ (Lodge, 1983) which is one of the major reasons behind the deterioration of the external mission’s leadership and politics. The formation of the said mission in 1960 was one of the four phases of the development of the external wing of the ANC. However, ‘it was criticized for isolating itself from the rank and file, and devoting too much time to international solidarity work.’ (Lodge, 1983) To begin with, exile movements in South Africa were faced with considerable barriers owing to the cordon sanitaire of colonial territories who were themselves engaged in counter-insurgent operations. Furthermore, in towns, influx control and the police stalled political activity, and this was coupled with the fear of new legislation and police powers. Despite this strict system of controls, guerilla movements and the course of Black resistance were successful mainly because of the ‘middle peasantry’ which proved to be fundamental to such undertakings. The success was also bolstered by their own ability to succeed in overcoming the innate complications of the exile environment itself. Here, it is necessary to point out the four different phases that the ANC went through: the establishment of an external mission in 1960, the shift in Congress leadership from within the country to outside it (owing to the arrest of its internal leadership), the collapse of the ANC/ZAPU joint operation and the reconstitution of the ANC as a major force South African black politics. With respect to our context, the notable ones are the shift in Congress leadership and the disintegration of the ANC/ZAPU partnership. When most of the internal leadership of the ANC was arrested, the ANC shook hands with the Zimbabwe African People’s Union in order to conduct joint operations against the Rhodesian army so as to infiltrate South Africa via Zimbabwe. The alliance, however, came to an end with the accession to power of Frelimo and the MPLA. It is hardly surprising that the alliance should have stalled owing to the earlier dissatisfactions existing in the training camps because of the Zimbabwean campaigns. It should be noted how, by this time, the ANC was looked upon with suspicion among the African governments because of its multiracial character. Of more importance is the fact that the Rhodesian campaigns of 1967 were conducted without informing the ANC’s allies in the South African Communist Party (SACP). Indeed, it has been said that the latter was ‘totally unaware of the Zimbabwean events of 1967 until they hit the world’s press’ (Lodge, 1983). In keeping with the multiracial nature of the ANC, another question that was to serve as a fissure between the former and the SACP was that of whether non-Africans should be allowed to join the ANC. This was part of a policy change outlined at the Morogoro Conference concerning the position of whites, Indians and coloureds who had worked with the external mission. Though the ANC and SACP had disagreements over issues, their link proved profitable for the ANC. It provided a continued source of funds, equipment, training and diplomatic support. Apart from the aforementioned political scenario, South Africa underwent considerable change with respect to its worker and social class. The best example to quote for the worker class is that of the Sarmcol workforce. Because Sarmcol was essentially a jobbing factory, its labour force fluctuated in size depending upon the demand of goods. ‘Workers were hired for a few months, fired once the order had been completed, only to be rehired when production increased’ (Cobbett & Cohen, 1988). During the Second World War, Sarmcol expanded by employing new machinery and stood at its peak in employment in the early 1970’s. However, this ‘sophisticated mechanization’ transformed itself into massive lay-offs. It has been stated that: The retrenchment of workers, so radical in numbers, in such a short period of time, achieved two things: firstly, it halved the labour force and, secondly, it angered, alienated and frustrated workers’ feelings about the working environment. (Cobbett & Cohen, 1988) It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the Sarmcol workers organized into the MAWU, and the then ‘Gwala’s Union.’ The Sarmcol workers organized a second time after the banning of the ANC and the subsequent arrest of Gwala. This union experienced short success as conditions inside the factory improved. Also, the MAWU experienced sustained growth, and the Sarmcol plant became the focus of serious union attention. However, Sarmcol refused to acknowledge this which consequently led the union to knock the door of the Industrial Court, where it alleged that Sarmcol had retrenched laborers without negotiation, notice or compensation. Indeed, the worker class had gained a voice and since no agreement was reached even after two years, the workers went on a strike. * Now, the paper will discuss the fortune of the social class protest in the given context. In this sphere, the author, Peter Delius, has touched upon different aspects of the African social life. He begins at the top of the hierarchy by highlighting the shift in headmenship along with the establishment of numerous chiefs and Tribal Authorities in the district of Sekhukhuneland, and goes down to explain the difficulties faced by the normal African youth in attaining as simple a thing as education. All of these aspects contribute towards the shifting social class of the South African region. Mankopodi succeeded her husband in playing a prominent political role, and went on to achieve the chairmanship of the regional authority. Having assumed office, she had made clear her opinion that the only way to save paramountcy was by accommodating the BAD. She agreed to set up a Tribal Authority, and insisted that headmen who had remained loyal to Mohlaletse should also enjoy recognition as chief. Consequently, the number of chiefs and Tribal Authorities in the region swelled up 54 and 29 respectively. However, it was unlikely that the chiefs would not exploit their positions: they began to manipulate bureaucratic structures by, for example, not allowing recalcitrant subjects to register for work. This, ultimately, lead to a hike in unemployment. Matters worsened when, due to large-scale immigration, the population of Sekhukhuneland soared. Working as fuel to fire were the labour tenancy laws because of which the African families’ access to land plummeted. As alternative options, they either ‘trekked’ to neighbouring reserve areas because of the connections to villages in the old locations, or headed for ‘Trust’ land. The latter which appeared to be restrictive to the inhabitants of the old locations served as a haven to the labour tenants on white farms. A drawback of residing in ‘Trust’ lands, however, was the limited amount of stock and livestock the tenants were allowed to hold because of the resettlement on account of the influx of huge numbers of people. Eventually came a time when households neither had a land holding nor livestock; this signaled another problem as such families were entirely reliant on cash (which, unfortunately, was also lacking). This then gave the rise of the working female migrant, as well as she becoming the household head. Another trend was the increase in the number of schools in different regions. Though schools, in numbers, increased, they lacked the resources to provide its students with a decent education. There were no proper, qualified teachers, and basic materials such as blackboards and textbooks were lagging. Though some divisions narrowed down among rural youth, ‘a deep gulf remained, however, between the experiences of pupils in Sekhukhuneland and those who lived in the cities of the Transvaal’ (Delius, 1997). Though the three readings mentioned in the paper deal with different aspects of the South African life, and are set in overlapping periods of time, all three of them have one thing in common: they highlight how protests, irrespective of how subtle they were, led to the huge shifts in the African life. They varied from political to the worker and social class, yet can be accounted for on all fronts of the region. References Cobbett, W. & Cohen, R., 1988. Popular Struggles in South Africa. s.l.:s.n. Delius, P., 1997. A Lion Amongst The Cattle. s.l.:s.n. Lodge, T., 1983. Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945. s.l.:s.n. Read More