Links between Taste, Consumption and Social Class - Essay Example

? Pierre Bourdieu has d the degree to which ‘taste’ and cultural consumption are tied to social and power. Using one or more examples, outline and critically appraise some of the links between taste, consumption and social class. 1. Introduction The explanation of behaviour of people within a particular society is based on a series of different criteria. In sociology, the responses of people to their environment are likely to be interpreted differently under the influence of specific rules and conditions. The key characteristic of the explanations of the role and the behaviour of people as members of the society is the following one: all the relevant theories emphasize on the dependency of human thought on media. In fact, it is clear that the views and the preferences of people in a particular social framework are aligned with the trends that the media have promoted within the specific area. It is in this context that the relationship between taste, consumption and social class would be evaluated. In the literature, different approaches have been used for highlighting the interaction between taste, consumption and social class. The views of Bourdieu on this issue are analytically presented in this paper. Emphasis is given on the perception of Bourdieu that taste and consumption are closely related to social class. The review of the literature referring to the specific subject reveals that taste and consumption are indispensable elements of human behaviour. Their relationship with social class can be strong no matter the existing social and political conditions; however, each one of these elements cannot be exist outside a consumption society, since it is only within such society that the consumption needs of individuals can be addressed. 2. Taste, consumption and social class in theory and practice 2.1 Bourdieu on taste, consumption and class In order to understand the views of Bourdieu on key sociological objects, such as taste, consumption and class, it would be necessary to identify the methodology of his work. Bourdieu avoided using the views of a specific sociologist for explaining human behaviour. Rather, he used to employ common sociological rules. From this point of view, it would be a mistake to use the views of well-known sociologists, for instance Marx or Durkheim, in order to understand the thoughts of Bourdieu on key sociological objects (Wright 2005, p.82). Moreover, Bourdieu preferred to combine theory and research. In other words, it was necessary for his views to be tested in real conditions. In this way, the effects of the views of Bourdieu on society and human behaviour have been checked as of their relevance to real life. At the next level, the views of Bourdieu are checked using qualitative and quantitative data; this type of research methodology increases the credibility of the assumptions produced, highlighting the appropriateness of these views for the explanation of daily social phenomena. The above issues are quite important in order to explain the methodology of work in this paper: the views of Bourdieu on social class, taste and consumption are presented and evaluated, as of their relationship to many aspects of social life. At the next level, these views are tested as of their relevance to current social conditions. Examples are used for indicating the value of the theories of Bourdieu in practice, with reference especially to the social trends that characterize the modern societies. At a first level, reference should be made to the views of Bourdieu on social class. Then, its relationship with taste and consumption, as justified through the views of Bourdieu, can be understood. In opposition with other theorists who studied the specific issue, Bourdieu avoided making a clear distinction between classes in society (Wright 2005, p.85). This practice is explained as follows: Bourdieu did not want to relate his theory with politics, a risk which would be clear if the differentiation among classes would be used as the basis of the theory of Bourdieu. Moreover, Bourdieu noted that the development of a theoretical framework for explaining the nature and the elements of social class should be based on the ‘existence… and mode of existence of collectives’ (Bourdieu 1991, p.50 in Wright 2005, p.85). On the other hand, it would be necessary to refer to another element of the theory of Bourdieu on social class: the ‘habitus’ which is described as ‘a socially constituted system of dispositions that orient thoughts, perceptions, expressions and actions’ (Wright 2005, p.83). The views of Bourdieu on social class are based on the perception that there is a strong connection between class and habitus; furthermore, habitus is related to ‘various domains of consumption’ (Wright 2005, 86). In accordance with the above, the relationship between class and consumption is indirectly developed, i.e. through ‘habitus’. The above issue is also highlighted in the study of Crompton (2008). The above researcher argues that in the theory of Bourdieu on social class, no distinction between classes can be identified; instead, Bourdieu emphasizes on the potential similarities of classes, especially in regard to ‘their attitudes and practices’ (Crompton 2008, p.101). In the context of these similarities, ‘class’, as a sociological object is characterized by a series of social practices, which need to be studied in order for the characteristics of the ‘class’ to be understood (Crompton 2008, p.101). The view of Bourdieu on class is based on structuralism, as a theory explaining the form and the functions of social framework (Morrow et al. 1995) The review of the theory on social classes would be of no particular importance, at least in the context of the views of Bourdieu, in order to understand the role of ‘class’ within society. In accordance with the above, it could be supported that for Bourdieu, the distinction of class is not real but it is rather symbolic, expressing the different perceptions and behaviour of people of different economic status. This characteristic of the theory of Bourdieu in regard to ‘social class’ is made clear through the study of Albright et al. (2008). In the specific study reference is made to the failure of Bourdieu to describe clearly the reasons for the use of economic terms within its theory on class. It is explained that Bourdieu tends to use economic terms, such as ‘capital’ and ‘profit’ in order to describe his view on class; however, this fact is often misunderstood. Indeed, it is not made clear to the readers that economic terms are not relevant to the explanation of the view of Bourdieu on class and that these terms are only used as symbols, i.e. not with their actual meaning (Albright et al. 2008, p.44). Also, emphasis should be given on the effort of Bourdieu to highlight the ‘symbolic dignity of the poor’ (Albright et al. 2008, p.44). Towards the same direction, Swartz (1997) notes that Bourdieu refers to classes in their symbolic sense and not in the sense used by other sociologists, for instance Marx, who emphasized on the classification of classes under specific social and economic criteria. Rather, Bourdieu supported the potential use of classes for understanding social values and human behaviour in everyday life, i.e. in accordance with Bourdieu the social class should be related to the practical aspects of life and not to the theory, at least not only to theoretical terms. The acceptance of the views of Bourdieu on class, as presented above leads to the following assumption: classes are stable ‘in time and space’ (Weis 2008, p.102). From this point of view, human behaviour within society is not differentiated over time. Instead, the responses of individuals to various social events and initiatives tend to remain the same. The specific view can be criticized as of the particular point: indeed, Bourdieu did not accept the distinction of classes in terms of politics; however, he noted that classes can be differentiated under the influence of capital, which even if it is used for symbolic reasons, it, still, indicates the classification of people in categories in terms of their financial and social status. Bourdieu noted that classes are strongly influenced by three different types of capital: ‘the economic capital (income from various sources), the cultural capital (values and tastes) and the social capital (social network)’ (Weis 2008, p.102). Thus, capital becomes another element, along to habitus, that can relate the social class with taste and consumption, as highlighted in the study of Wright, 1985, presented above). In accordance with Shusterman (1999) the key advantage of the work of Bourdieu towards the studies other sociologists who studied the issue of ‘class’ is the following one: the views of Bourdieu on class can be used for identifying all the aspects of class as a social phenomenon; for Bourdieu the social background has been important for understanding the sense of class, a fact that offers to his views higher accuracy compared to the theories of other sociologists on class, through which class is regarded as a theoretical concept related to certain sociological objects but only as a term for their explanation and not for understanding their forms and implications in real life. One of the most important elements of the work of Bourdieu is his view on capitals, meaning the social, the cultural and the economic capital, as described earlier. In the context of this paper emphasis is given on the cultural capital, since it is in the specific term that taste and consumption, as sociological objects examined in this paper, is incorporated. In accordance with Bourdieu, the cultural capital reflects ‘the socialization of a person in order to enjoy the high culture’ (Braham et al. 2002, p.76). The access of an individual to the high culture is achieved only in case that the appropriate economic capital, again symbolic showing the financial status of a person, is available (Braham et al. 2002). In this way, class, to which the three forms of capital, as mentioned above, are connected, is related to ‘taste’ and ‘consumption’, as sociological objects. The relationship between class and taste, as described above, is characterized by the following terms: there is no limitation in the sense of culture as expressing the taste of a person in regard to the art. It can refer to various forms of art. Also, the relationship between class and culture means that a person who has the necessary capital and level of socialization in order to purchase a piece of art is not necessarily able to understand the value of the art; in other words, it is the access to culture that is important for the theory of Bourdieu on class and culture; not the ability of the person involved to understand culture, in one or more of its forms. This fact reflects another view of Bourdieu: culture, and especially high culture, is a property of the public, meaning that even if an expensive piece of art is purchased by an individual, who has the capital to do this transaction, still, the right of the public on the particular piece of art, as part of the high culture, is not eliminated (Braham et al. 2002, p.77). The specific view of Bourdieu is justified using the following argument: ‘pieces of high culture are preserved within museum so that the public to have access to them and appreciate their value’ (Braham et al. 2002, p.77). On the other hand, the value of taste as a key characteristic of each individual is made clear through ‘Bourdieu’s social theory of distinctions’ (Gronow 1997, p.10). In the above theory Bourdieu explains the value of specific sociological objects, including class and taste, and justifies their relationship. Moreover, Bourdieu supports that taste is part of the habitus of each person (Gronow 1997, p.10) but it can be developed differently in accordance with the socialization of the individual involved (Ferguson 2007, p.116). More specifically, as already explained above, in the context of social theory of distinctions, each individual is able to identify a series of sociological objects, most of which are part of his habitus; however, this ability is not common to all individuals. Bourdieu notes that the level of socialization of each person can affect his ability to have access to specific cultural products, in a way similar, as a lack of access to economic products can exist (Ferguson 2007). From this point of view, the views of working people on cultural products can be differentiated not because of the characteristics of products but because of the difference in the level of socialization of these people, meaning that their social capacity can be lower from other people who are highly socialized and are able to distinguish high art or other cultural products (Ferguson 2007). As in the case of taste, consumption is also related to class. More specifically, the relationship between class and consumption is clearly stated by Bourdieu who characterizes class as ‘the relations of consumption’ (Dunn 2008, p.60). At a next level, consumption is related to culture in the following context: material differentiations, based on the economic status of each person, lead to social inequalities (Dunn 2008, p. 61); however, using the social theory of distinctions of Bourdieu, these ‘material differences are experienced and represented dispositionally as cultural distinctions’ (Swartz 1997, p.179 in Dunn 2008, p.61). In this context, consumption is directly related to taste (reflected as the view on culture); the latter is also related to class. Therefore, taste and consumption are related to class, which is used as the basis for explaining the potential forms of taste and consumption in social frameworks with different characteristics. In any case, the use of the term ‘class’ for explaining the forms of taste and consumption in the context of the society needs to be transformed from its traditional context; the interpretation of the term ‘class’ in the work of Bourdieu is appropriate for justifying the relationship of the specific sociological object with taste and consumption. 2.2 The links between taste, consumption and class in practice The views of Bourdieu on class, taste and consumption can be understood through examples that show the practical forms and implications of the specific theories. These examples are analysed using the perceptions of Bourdieu on class, taste and consumption as these perceptions can be directly related to events developed in modern society. 2.2.1 The case of modern jazz The relationship between class and taste, as highlighted in the work of Bourdieu, can be understood by referring to the case of jazz music. In accordance with Brown et al. (2000) jazz music ‘verifies the theory of Bourdieu on cultural production’ (Brown et al. 2000, p.167). At the same time, the case of jazz music indicates the need for the expansion of the view of Bourdieu on cultural capital and cultural production. When referring to art as an expression of cultural production, Bourdieu referred solely to high art, in the sense of ‘bourgeois high art’ (Brown et al. (2000, p.167). However, contemporary works of art should be also incorporate in ‘art’ as an element of the theory of Bourdieu on cultural production. Jazz is a form of contemporary art. Jazz first appeared, at least publicly, around 1950s. This form of jazz was gradually changed through the decades. However, the change referred not just to the playing styles or choices of music pieces but also to the public that the jazz addressed. In its appearance, jazz was likely to be available to the customers of nightclubs accessible, mostly, to people of low social classes. Through the years, the musicians of jazz transformed the initial form of jazz; the new form of jazz was near to classical music, and not popular music (Brown et al. 2000). This form of jazz made known as the modern jazz that can be used for understanding the practical aspects of the theory of Bourdieu. Indeed, the modern jazz can be considered as a cultural capital. People should be able to have access to modern jazz musical events even if their participation in such events may not be possible, for economic reasons. Like the pieces of high art, the modern jazz requires a high level of socialization, which can be developed independently from economic capital, as Bourdieu notes. 2.2.2 The case of food consumption In 1997 Warde developed a study in UK focusing on food consumption (Braham et al. 2002, p.77). Commonly food is considered as an issue related to the preferences of each individual as influenced by his/ her lifestyle and family environment. However, the findings of the study of Warde proved that food consumption is related to ‘class’, as explained by Bourdieu. The above relationship is not based on the economic status of each individual, i.e. his or her ability to respond to the cost of food involved but rather to the cultural capital of each individual, as this capital is based on the level of socialization of each person (Braham et al. 2002, p.77). 2.2.3 Education as an example of cultural capital As noted above, in the context of his views on cultural capital, Bourdieu emphasizes on the right of people to appreciate a work of art; however, Bourdieu does not relate, at least not necessarily, the aesthetic part of culture with its economic aspects. Of course, he notes that people who can afford an expensive piece of art can afford it but he also notes that most important pieces of art are in museums recognizing the right of the public to have access to them. In this way, cultural capital is made independent from economic capital. In education also the characteristics of cultural capital can be identified. In education, the performance of students is depended on their ability to respond to the demands of the course involved. In this way, in educational institutions distinctions are gradually developed (Goodwin et al. 1997); these distinctions are based on learning and not on wealth (Goodwin et al. 1997, p.53). These distinctions reflect the ‘cultural capital’ as included in the work of Bourdieu (Goodwin et al. 1997). 3. Conclusion The efforts of sociologists to explain the structure and the role of sociological objects, such as class, taste or consumption, can be quite difficult mostly because of the continuous change that characterize modern societies. On the other hand, the differentiation from sociological theories that are well known and are applied for a long period of time is a risky initiative. Bourdieu opposed to the views of class and culture, as existed in his era, and tried to identify the relation of class with various aspects of the human behaviour, such as taste and consumption. In accordance with the literature published on this subject, the views of Bourdieu on the relationship of class with taste and consumption cannot be doubted. Moreover, it seems that this relationship can be used in order to explain a series of social facts, such as the development of differences in learning or the protection of the right of the public to have access to high art. In any case, the above relationship promotes the power of each individual to participate in critical social events and to criticize any attempted change of existing social structure; this view is based on the fact that taste and consumption are related to social class but they cannot be considered as a means for excluding certain social classes from enjoying products and services which should be accessible to all, as suggested by Bourdieu. References Albright, J., Luke, A. (2008). Pierre Bourdieu and literacy education. London: Routledge. Braham, P., Janes, L. (2002) Social differences and divisions. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell Brown, N., Szeman, I. (2000) Pierre Bourdieu: fieldwork in culture. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield. Crompton, R. (2008) Class and stratification. Cambridge: Polity Dunn, R. (2008). Identifying consumption: subjects and objects in consumer society. Temple University Press. Ferguson, K. (2007). The Politics of Judgment: Aesthetics, Identity, and Political Theory. Lexington Books. Goodwin, N., Ackerman, F., Kiron, D. (1997). The consumer society. Washington: Island Press. Gronow, J. (1997). The sociology of taste. London: Routledge, 1997 Morrow, R., Torres, C. (1995). Social theory and education: a critique of theories of social and cultural reproduction. New York: SUNY Press Shusterman, R. (1999). Bourdieu: a critical reader. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Swartz, D. (1997). Culture & power: the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. University of Chicago Press. Weis, L. (2008). The way class works: readings on school, family, and the economy. Oxon: Taylor & Francis. Wright, E. (2005). Approaches to class analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Read More