A View on Middle Eastern Exceptionalism - Research Paper Example

A VIEW ON MIDDLE EASTERN EXCEPTIONALISM The Middle East is only as unique as outside elements may see it to be. Now, in discovering if the Middle East would be the exception amidst developing countries would take close examination. There are many methods of determination in this aspect of the question. First we must examine from the viewpoint of agreement in the fact that Egypt is an exception amongst its peers and once that is done, we must examine the viewpoint of its equally powerful neighbors in Turkey and other countries in the Middle East, including Egypt. In providing reasoning behind this consideration, it is best to have several resources to allow the capacity of comparativeness in pros and cons for the viewpoint of Exceptionalism in the Middle Eastern culture. Amidst due consideration of the points delivered in the viewpoints of the various authors of the resources consulted, it has become apparent that Egypt would hardly consist of an exception amidst the rest of the Middle Eastern countries. Despite Mr. Bromley’s best efforts, he fails to prove that the Middle East is an exception and that Egypt would be any different than any other part of the Middle East. In his own words, Mr. Bromley says in his treatise titled Middle Eastern Exceptionalism, “Despite these differences, there is a general consensus that the Middle East has witnessed limited democratization and contains few, if any, liberal democracies and that this differentiates it from much of the rest of the developing world.”1 Mr. Bromley’s view of exceptionalism and its manifestation as a result of democratization continues to expound through this chapter, but again, he hides truth in his own words. “Other observers, noting the continued restrictions placed on party formation, the role of the military in national politics (including emergency rule in the Kurdish south-east of the country), the outstanding issue of the place of Islam in the state and long-standing economic problems, are less confident.” 2 It is quite evident that despite best efforts, finding that the Middle East is exceptional in any way in regards to the democratic process is a difficult endeavor. If anything, the only thing exceptional about the Middle East would be the fact that the sheer naïveté of its own residents would consist of the reasoning democratization has stalled entirely. Otherwise there would be no genocide, no totalitarian rule, no monarchies without parliamentary proceedings and no sectarian governments with civil war tendencies. All of which are observed on a daily basis in Iraq, Iran, and many of the other countries including Syria and Israel. About the only positive element to gain from Bromley’s treatise would have to be that it is agreed that there would be difficulties in assessing the competing claims of exceptionalism and non-exceptionalism in the Middle Eastern area. Whether modernization is a form of democratization or simply a move toward modernization for a more supportive living environment for the residents and political mechanisms being changed happens no matter the style of rule, from monarchy through dictatorship and on to socialist and democratic rule. In Mr. Bromley’s own words, “many analysts have argued that as a system of belief Islam is based on a revealed text embodying quasi-legal ordinances, and that, as such, it is incompatible with democratic politics. Though complex, the reasons for this are essentially twofold: on the one hand, it is argued that Islam rejects the idea of the nation-state and with this modern, secular conceptions of nationalism; at the same time it is claimed that Islam neither recognizes a separation of temporal and spiritual power and authority nor permits intermediate institutions between the religious-political leader and the individual believer.”3 A direct and unequivocal denial that exceptionalism can manage to exist in the Middle East, as Islam would be the single most prevalent of religions in the entire area. It is clear that Mr. Bromley fails to prove exceptionalism in this treatise on the Middle East and its journey toward democratization. A journey toward enlightenment would be in observing the truth of the incidents that mar the landscape throughout the Middle East. The sectarian violence, the civil unrest and more are undeniable and unequivocal in their existence throughout the Middle East. Egypt is different from the majority of the Middle East for several reasons. When Nasser came into power he quite literally tossed out everything and everyone involved in the prior regime to rebuild from the ground up. Nasser, in so doing, created a new political presence known as the ASU or Arab Socialist Union in 1962. He would have several with a common goal in Committees of Twenty who served as the executive group at the village level. There would be a committee for each and every major village in order to manage integration of the village into the arms that led toward the state, in chapter five of Migdal’s The Egyptian State Attempts to Transform Egyptian society, you see how “they sought to achieve this aim by focusing on the people themselves-creating “political awareness,” developing “spiritual standards,” urging increased production, and conveying information from above. And the goal also entailed a watchdog role for the committees, ensuring the bureaucracy’s proper execution of its duties and neutralizing village exploiters.”4 Without doubt, Nasser’s efforts here have changed the face of Egyptian life and its focus on society. This makes Egypt rare amidst its Middle Eastern neighbors because Nasser developed a nationalist method of rule and regulation that allowed for better control of assets contained within the borders of Egyptian control. Turkey is markedly different than Egypt in that it has military control over government processes in place of government control over agrarian and merchant processes and procedures. Turkey utilizes mandatory military involvement in all aspects of life in their nation, yet, in the fact that the military is not dictatorial or socialistic in nature, but would be more a guiding force that allows for adaptation it has become an acceptable form of rule according to the EU. This is as a result of Turkey’s desire to be accepted for the capacity of trade relations with Europe and other nations. In this, Turkey is quite similar to Egypt, in the fact that a modicum of control is managed in a unique manner. These two countries are unique in their nature in comparison to many of the other Middle Eastern countries. There is far less unrest in the country and a certain modicum of comfort for the citizens in the methods by which the military offers protection, the capacity for higher learning and more. In explanation for the acceptance the EU has with the regime, it is quite evident in a single passage. “The explanation for this sacrifice is twofold. Turkey's generals have adapted because they see EU membership as the final stage of a modernization process they have supported for nearly a century. They also believe that the process leading to EU membership is the best means to confront key domestic challenges with which they have long struggled, such as Islamism and Kurdish separatism. So far, the deal has been worth their while. But with the EU's decision in October to begin membership negotiations with Ankara, the need for reform, especially regarding the military's policies on Kurdish secessionism and the status of Cyprus, will only intensify. And it remains to be seen how much further the Turkish military leadership will be willing to retreat.”5 It is obvious in this observation that Turkey would be quite obviously the near antithesis to Egypt, but would also be, along with Egypt, one of those countries that would prove an exception to the ideal of Middle Eastern sentiment in their adoption of many Western styles of life and pursuit of commerce and trade and execution of political process and procedure. Though there are significant differences, the ability to work with the necessity to change for the benefit of all is apparent in both Turkey and Egypt, which is the antithesis of most other countries. In a close examination of the resources utilized and the viewpoints both for and against the idea of exceptionalism, it is undeniable that the concept exists only in the thoughts of those who perceive those trends, rather than in the reality that exists throughout the Middle East. About the only exceptions to the rules of Middle Eastern Culture would be those of Egypt and Turkey in that their concept of control is one of a centrally based mechanism, whereas many Middle Eastern governments are monarchical, dictatorial, or socialist in nature. We see this in Libya, Iran, Iraq and so many other countries. We observe it in the civil unrest in most of the nations. We hear it in the words spoken by the militant governments of Iran in their proliferation of nuclear capacity and so forth in direct violation of UN mandates, causing further unrest in an already volatile area of the world. So, in effect, this proves undoubtedly that the Middle East would hardly be what Bromley considers the realm of Exceptionalism. Islam, the predominant following throughout Egypt and many other areas of the Middle East, is often the cause of fear and concern amidst those who would not understand. It is also an unlikely component toward a more civilized society. Sheri Berman in her treatise titled Islamism, Revolution and Civil Society gives us reason to understand by saying, “ since the rise of Islamism has had and will probably continue to have profound social, political and strategic consequences, understanding its emergence and development is of the utmost practical and intellectual importance.”6 Ms. Berman continues in her treatise on the necessity to understand Islamism as she says “examining Islamism in the context of revolutions literature provides us with a rare opportunity to analyze a potentially revolutionary process playing out in real time.”7 These observations allow the capacity to gain more insight into how and why some may consider there to be Exceptionalism in the Middle East, but it would also provide us with realization that Exceptionalism cannot be possible if religious extremism would be. Islam, as it states, is a revolutionary religious society, making war in an attempt to force peace. How the two can possibly be considered balanced and part of a civil society is quite an intriguing consideration. Islam is quite the unique consideration. In its classical form there is no organizational equivalent like Catholicism and other religious entities based in Christianity or even Judaism. There would be no ecclesiastical organization in that the mosque is merely a building, not an institution and hardly considered holy ground. Bernard Lewis has an interesting consideration for Islam in his treatise on Islam and Democracy. His most potent sentence regarding Islam is, “what is not discussed to any great extent is the difference between religious and temporal powers.”8 There are no words for secularism in the Islamic language. There are no equivalents to many words we would consider part of governing or democratic process. Bernard Lewis goes on to say that “Turkey alone has formally enacted the separation of religion and state.”9 Egypt, since Nasser, has become an intriguing diamond in the rough as it were amidst the militants, the dictators, the sectarians and the terrorists of the Middle Eastern countries that would continue to raise havoc throughout the area and cause unrest in political circles worldwide. Egypt has become a democratic oasis amidst its neighbors, a method in which most fail to see that true democratic process can be found even in the smallest of gestures and that a willingness to provide the capacity to grow would facilitate strength and prowess on a global scale. Egypt compares to Turkey in that its processes and procedures allow for consideration of the citizens and control of the aspects of giving the freedom of global accessibility with what could almost be seen as state governments all linked directly to the national government by allegiance. Something rarely seen in a Middle Eastern country, and something that is decidedly separate from Turkey’s view of freedom. The Middle East undoubtedly is the source of a great deal of worldwide discussion for many reasons other than Bromley’s argument for exceptionalism. It is a source of argument in the fact that comparatively, compliance is difficult no matter what part of the Middle East would be discussed. The reason for this, is that there are rarely found commonalities between the citizens in religious pursuits, political aims as a result of those religious pursuits and the nomadic nature of the citizens of most of the Middle Eastern countries. The lack of exceptionalism is seen in the vast difference in the treatments of social classes and the capacity of the government to ignore the fact that the dissection exists. It is also apparent in the almost sectarian differences between governments that would rule the separate Middle Eastern countries. REFERENCES: 1. Bromley, Simon: Middle East Exceptionalism – Myth or Reality? Chapter 13 page 325 2. Bromley, Simon: Middle East Exceptionalism – Myth or Reality? Chapter 13 page 330 3. Bromley, Simon: Middle East Exceptionalism – Myth or Reality; Chapter 13 page 332 4. Midgal, The Egyptian State Attempts to Transform Egyptian Society; Chapter 5 page 192 5. Aydinli, Ersel, Ozcan, Ali, Akyaz, Dogan; The Turkish Military’s March Toward Europe: Foreign Affairs; January/February 2006 www.foreignaffairs.org is copyright 6. 2002--2006 by the Council on Foreign Relations. All rights reserved. 7. Berman, Sheri; Islamism, Revolution and Civil Society June 2003 www.apsanet.org page 257 8. Berman, Sheri; Islamism, Revolution and Civil Society June 2003 www.apsanet.org page 257 9. Lewis, Bernard: A Historical Overview- Islam and Liberal Democracy: Journal of Democracy 7:2 Copyright 1996 National Endowment for Democracy and the Johns Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved. RESOURCES 1. Bromley__Middle_Eastern_Exceptionalism.pdf; Bromley, Simon: Middle East Exceptionalism – Myth or Reality? 2. Migdal__The_Egyptian_State_Attempts_to_Transform_Egyptian_Society.pdf: Midgal, The Egyptian State Attempts to Transform Egyptian Society 3. The Turkish Military.doc: Aydinli, Ersel, Ozcan, Ali, Akyaz, Dogan; The Turkish Military’s March Toward Europe: Foreign Affairs; January/February 2006 www.foreignaffairs.org is copyright 2002--2006 by the Council on Foreign Relations 4. Berman, Sheri; Islamism, Revolution and Civil Society June 2003 www.apsanet.org page 257 5. Lewis, Bernard: A Historical Overview- Islam and Liberal Democracy: Journal of Democracy 7:2 Copyright 1996 National Endowment for Democracy and the Johns Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved. Read More