Debates abut eating in raise a range f questins that are central in understanding fd cultures. In particular, they raise questins abut the rle f fd practices in prducing, and reprducing the hme, the family, gendered identities and the relatinship between public and private spheres.
The purpse f ckbks is t prvide peple with new recipes and help them t verify their diet. At the same time, printed ckbks als help t usher in a prcess f change, allwing imprved r imprvized versins f traditinal recipes t be passed n mre rapidly. Since the early develpment f such bks cincided with the emergence f 'a prfessinal elite f cks in the service f members f the upper class', the pressure t imprve and imprvize is itself increasing. The example f England and France shw that English ckery bks tend t have a dmestic, female target audience. Thus, while French ckbks tend t be aimed primarily at the prfessinal male chef, the nbility and the upper-middle classes, English bks are aimed mre at female husekeepers, and mre ften at lwer scial strata than their French cunterparts.
The article "Rmanced by ckbks." Anne L Bwer depicts impact and influence f new cking culture n sciety. The authr underlines that ckery bks can perate as vehicles fr cnstructing an image f the natin, just as they are capable f negtiating certain frms f female dmesticity. Alternatively, ckbks 'invent and cdify new, verarching categries which make sense nly frm a csmplitan perspective' (ibid.). The authr, fr example, inflates a particular culinary traditin 'and makes it serve, metnymusly, fr the whle'. Increasingly, Bks n Indian cuisine als seek t impse a menu-like structure n the recipes they ffer. This helps t cdify and rganize Indian fd in a systematic manner but, in s far as 'Indian meals d nt nrmally have a significant sequential dimensin', it prvides a clear example f the cnstructed nature f 'Indian' cuisine (Swallw 19).
Duruz, (1999) and Duruz (2994) state that the purpse f ckbks are t keep ld traditins and recpies. Fd practices need t be understd in relatin t the ways in which they prduce, negtiate and reprduce the nature f the relatinship between public and private spheres. Indeed, in Duruz (2994) study f cking, the authr fund that eating in was a significant act because 'the cked dinner marks the threshld between the public dmains f wrk r schl and the private sphere behind the clsed frnt dr'. 'Hme-cked' meals are seen as imbued with the warmth, intimacy and persnal tuch which are seen as markers f the private sphere and in ppsitin t fds which are the prducts f a public, industrialized and annymus system f fd prductin. It is fr this reasn that cmmercially prduced fds ften seek t add value t their fds by assciating them with 'hme', demnstrated in claims t 'hme-cked' fd in pubs and diners and 'hmestyle' ranges f ready-meals frm supermarkets (Swallw 12).
The authrs underline that cking and ckbks can be seen as nstalgia fr better days. Ntins f 'a prper meal' are ften linked t nutritin. These definitins ften draw n a range f scientific discurses in which the 'gdness' f a meal is equated with whether r nt it gives us the 'prper' nutrients. Ideas abut nutritin are ften far frm bjective: what cnstitutes a nutritius meal in ne decade will nt be necessarily the same in the next as