Gambling as an Addiction - Coursework Example

Running head: Gambling as an Addiction Gambling as an Addiction [The of the appears here] [The of appears here] Table Of Contents Introduction 3 Background Information 4 Body & Findings 6 Summary 12 Reference: 12 Gambling as an Addiction Introduction Gambling what I believe is one of the less serious vices in regard to its direct harm to the individual. It has no physical consequences except by indirection. It is not apt to be particularly time-consuming. It may engender a philosophy rather unrealistic in terms of mundane existence, but it is arguable whether such a philosophy is more detrimental than enabling to an individual. That some individuals who do not now gamble will become inextricably involved in its operation if it were made legal, to the point that they will be defined as "problem" gamblers, seems inevitable. It is now estimated that there are some ten million "compulsive" gamblers in the United States, and Gamblers Anonymous, begun in 1957, has become the therapeutic force resembling its counterpart for alcoholics in the field. 76 By some standards, including those of the present writer, it is unfortunate that many persons now without them are apt to develop gambling difficulties under legalized systems. But it is suggested that if this problem becomes particularly serious then the society might care to discover techniques to handle the situation that are a good deal more effective than those hit-and-miss, haphazard approaches now in fashion when gambling flourishes undercover. Background Information It is claimed that psychologically gambling serves as a ritualistic flirtation with an unknown fate. Gambling has been called "a kind of question addressed to destiny," and it has been maintained that the fascination of gambling is that it is "a simulation of life itself." Success at gambling is supposed to be transposed by the gambler into a general sign of favor from otherwise inscrutable gods, somewhat in the manner of, for instance, the prize fighter who traces his success to the fact that "Somebody Up There Likes Me," rather than to a fast right hand and an unusual ability to withstand punishment. It was this mental transposition, as Max Weber has shown while tracing the purported origins of capitalism, that led financially successful persons in early Calvinistic societies to credit their wealth to divine approval of their total person and thus to regard it as an indication of a future place in heaven. Gambling shows an elaborate history through the annals of civilization. Stone-Age people are known to have tossed painted pebbles and to have cast knucklebones, though it is not certain whether their attempt was to win somebody else's stone axe or to invoke magic and to facilitate prophecy. We have records from India from as early as 321 B.C. showing the existence of a governmental department that regulated gambling, with a Superintendent of Public Games who supplied dice for a fee of 5 percent of the receipts. 10 Public lotteries were common in the United States from early colonial times until the 1830's. Many institutions of higher learning, including Columbia, Harvard, and Yale, were financed by public lotteries. Reactions against State-sponsored gambling were due to numerous scandals connected with its operation as well as to a growing sense of moral outrage. (Richard McGowan, 1994). Major concern in the United States today centers about four kinds of gambling operations: (1) numbers; (2) casino-style gambling; (3) lotteries; and (4) parimutuel betting at race tracks and its extension, offtrack betting. Numbers remain illegal throughout the United States; casino gambling is legal only in the State of Nevada; lotteries have recently been started in New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts; and offtrack betting was inaugurated in New York City in April 1971, in a move that has been watched with special care by other jurisdictions, particularly those and there are but few which do not fit the category -looking desperately for new sources of revenue. (Thomas Barker, Marjie Britz, 2000). Gambling has become so much a part of American life that gambling opportunities can be found on land, over water, in the air, and even in cyberspace. While the millions wagered electronically in 1998 pale in comparison to the billions legally wagered in casinos, lotteries, and parimutuel venues, it appears to be the wave of the future. In fact, over 600 gaming-related sites may be found on the Internet. These sites, including simulated casinos, informational pages (i.e., injury reports, latest line, etc.), and gaming advertisements, are expected to increase exponentially in the near future. The gambling industry is big business and growing. The U.S. casino industry alone employed an estimated 337,000 people in 1995. The international investment bank Bear Stearns & Co. has a banking and research division serving the gambling industry and includes "gaming" as a leisure industry along with lodging, cruise lines, skiing, golf, fitness, timeshares, bowling, ice skating, theme parks, film exhibitions, live entertainment, and themed restaurants. Anyone who desires to play the lottery or a gambling machine (slot, video, or VLT), visit a casino, or engage in some other form of gambling can easily do so and legally. Before 1988, the visit to Atlantic City or Las Vegas required a plane trip and time, not to mention money. Now, a visit to a casino land-based, riverboat, Indian, or day cruise is within driving distance for most Americans. The lotteries in the 37 states and the District of Columbia are aggressively advertising and introducing new games. Multimillion-dollar lottery jackpots are hot topics on national and local news, stimulating feverish buying among in-state and out-of-state buyers. Body & Findings The psychology of gambling is a potentially important and interesting area of investigation for a number of reasons. First, gambling activities are widespread in this country and abroad; the increase in legalized forms such as state lotteries, jai alai, and casino gambling, as well as more use of illegal forms, shows how common is the pastime. As a set of behaviors important to many people's lives, it is worthy of study without even considering the additional influences, e.g., the serious effects on some individuals, families, and communities; though it may be true that only some "gamblers" have a gambling-related problem, their behavior may have severe effects on the lives of other people. The study of gambling also opens up more general questions of risk-taking, superstition, reaction to success and failure, and a host of intriguing questions. Despite the fascinating possibilities, not much research has been conducted. The number of individuals who have published studies of gamblers is not great, and many hypotheses have not been studied. The few studies that exist need replication and extension. This state of affairs may have several explanations. Gamblers and gambling activity can be difficult to study. Much gambling activity is illegal, and even many legalized gambling centers go to great lengths to insure privacy for patrons and to discourage snooping psychologists. Most gamblers do not end up in therapists' offices; thus, many who gamble are not known as gamblers. Another problem is that there are many kinds of gambling activities, and one cannot generalize from betting on horses, taking part in football pools, playing blackjack, or playing slot machines to another form of gambling, or even to gambling in general. The personality characteristics of people who play poker weekly with friends may be quite different from other gamblers, for instance. For these reasons, there exist very few solid research studies on the psychology of gamblers. (Gilbert Geis, 1972). The most common viewpoint has defined certain gamblers as sick, and thus has emphasized the negative aspects of these people and their gambling. Freudian theory has been particularly obvious in this perspective. A second, opposing outlook suggests that gambling is usually not indicative of pathology, but rather, can promote growth. Perhaps gamblers may be healthier than other people. This is a fairly recent approach that has not generated much research. The third area involves assessment-oriented researchers, who study personality characteristics to see how gamblers differ from non-gamblers, as well as how various types of gamblers can be distinguished. The oldest psychological approach to the study of why people gamble has been the view that gambling, at least in its excesses, is a disease, a reflection of underlying psychopathology. Though there does not exist an impressive amount of literature on gambling, by far the most common approach has been this psychiatric one. Much of the work stems from Freudian theory. In fact, the father of psychoanalysis himself had something to say about gambling. In his famous paper on Dostoevsky (a self-labelled compulsive gambler), Freud presents gambling as a substitute for masturbation, which also involves the hands and also leads to both excitement and guilt. Freud sees gambling as a behavior disorder addiction, descending from the primal addition of masturbation, in which the resulting pleasure is greater than the consequent anxiety. Gambling, in this framework, is irrational and instinct-like, with the need to lose as a self-inflicted punishment. (Dave Clarke, 2003). Prior to Freud's paper, Simmel (1920) provided an early example of a psychoanalytic explanation. He described a young man for whom gambling "serves the unfolding or the substitute formation of the exceedingly active pre-genital analsadistic libido in the unconscious". Another approach taken by a Freudian relates gambling to obsessional symptoms seeking to penetrate the future. Gambling is thus a question asked of destiny, with destiny as an avenging father substitute. The work of Bergler (1943) is widely quoted in more recent articles on gamblers. He describes the gambler as a neurotic, who has an unconscious wish to lose. Bergler defines whom he is describing by delineating the following six symptoms: The gambler habitually takes chances. The game precludes all other interests. The gambler is full of optimism and never learns from defeat. The gambler never stops when winning. Despite initial caution, the gambler eventually risks relatively too large sums. "Pleasurable-painful tension" (thrill) is experienced between the time of betting and the outcome of the game. The prevalence of pathological gambling is between 1 and 3 percent of the population in the United States. Problem gambling represents roughly another 5 percent. These numbers have risen with the widespread legalization of lotteries and casino gaming. Men outnumber women by a ratio of about two to one. At least half of pathological gamblers are also addicted to alcohol, and studies show that a family history of alcoholism may predispose a person to pathological gambling. Ten percent of the men who are admitted to alcohol and drug treatment meet screening criteria for pathological gambling. (Laurie Platz, Murray Millar, 2001). The diagnosis of pathological gambling is based on the presence of several typical patterns of behavior, including gambling to escape stress, spending money that is needed for living expenses, lying about gambling, engaging in illegal acts to obtain money, becoming tolerant to the stimulating effects of gambling, a feeling of restlessness when one is not gambling, and "chasing losses," or betting more in order to cover losses. Problem gamblers are those who may have gambled away needed money or used gambling as a coping strategy but who do not have all of the features associated with pathological gambling. Pathological gambling typically progresses through three stages. First is the winning stage, in which the gambler focuses on how much money is being gained. Self-esteem is linked to winning and to the amount that is won. Next, in the losing stage, the pathological gambler feels insulted and responds as though to a challenge. During this stage, gamblers will begin to chase losses and take inordinate risks with money they can't spare. The desperation stage is third, and involves depletion of resources, complete preoccupation with gambling, and serious psychological consequences. Suicides are common during this phase. (Jeremiah Weinstock, James P. Whelan, Andrew W. Meyers, 1999). The coexistence of other psychiatric problems is common in pathological gamblers. Major depression is seen in over two-thirds of those identified. Antisocial, narcissistic, and borderline personality disorders are also common. Pathological gambling is both under recognized and under treated. Most gamblers are destitute by the time treatment is sought; many are no longer employed and have no insurance. (Many insurance carriers will not cover treatment for pathological gambling when it is the primary diagnosis even if the gambler still has insurance.) Few professionals are experienced and certified in treating pathological gambling, although their numbers are increasing, especially in states with legalized casino gambling. Because of the coexistence of depression or alcoholism, pathological gamblers frequently seek treatment in hospital settings. But they often do not recognize or mention that gambling is a problem. Screening for pathological gambling on admission to an alcohol and drug treatment facility or psychiatric hospital is becoming more common, and should probably be routine. The addition of appropriate intervention for the gambling problem can then be provided. (Richard E. Vatz, Lee S. Weinberg, 2003). The treatment of pathological gambling is similar to the treatment for other addictions but has some important differences. When the alcoholic or addict goes through "detox" and begins to think clearly, productive changes in attitude often follow. The pathological gambler, however, often does not experience craving and loss of control away from the place where gambling occurs. Discussion of the problem can become merely an intellectual exercise, and no opportunity exists for putting realistic changes into action. Long-term follow-up is therefore essential. Gamblers Anonymous is a 12-step program based on Alcoholics Anonymous and can provide ongoing support. GA meetings, however, are not as widely available as AA and NA meetings. Groups facilitated by counselors are helpful but also not widely available. Individual and family therapy is useful, especially in unraveling the secrecy and manipulation associated with the gambling behavior. As problem and pathological gambling become more widespread, treatment centers and government agencies are developing more treatment alternatives. The presence of major depression is a strong risk factor for the development of pathological gambling and for later relapse. Comprehensive treatment of depression or other coexisting psychiatric problems is essential, as is treatment for any other addictions that might be present, such as alcoholism. (Eric Griffin-Shelley, 1997). Summary Thus gambling is an activity enjoyed by a majority of the population and one, in this day of increased leisure time that is likely to gain favour. This means that more of the vulnerable will be exposed to risk and may develop patterns of activity in which they lose control of their behaviour and subject themselves and their families to problems which may result in intolerable distress for all concerned. Risk taking is a pleasurable activity for many, and it is exciting and, when successful, gives a feeling of exhilaration and satisfaction to the participants. Knowledge of the risks and education in minimizing them and understanding the implications of the whole range of problems will enable rational individuals to make an appropriate judgment of whether they wish to participate or not. What can be done for the individuals at risk Are there a group of people who are pathological optimists The answer is not to adopt a paternalistic role and allow Government, the Church, or some other body to take over and rule our lives and prevent us taking the risks we wish. The solution lies in the field of education and not with legislation. Reference: Dave Clarke (2003). Gambling and the Trait of Addiction in a Sample of New Zealand University Students; New Zealand Journal of Psychology, Vol. 32 Eric Griffin-Shelley (1997). Sex and Love: Addiction, Treatment, and Recovery; Praeger Gilbert Geis (1972). Not the Law's Business An Examination of Homosexuality, Abortion, Prostitution, Narcotics, and Gambling in the United States; National Institute of Mental Health Jeremiah Weinstock, James P. Whelan, Andrew W. Meyers (1999). Gambling: When It Is Not a Game Anymore; Business Perspectives, Vol. 11 Laurie Platz, Murray Millar (2001). Gambling in the Context of Other Recreation Activity: A Quantitative Comparison of Casual and Pathological Student Gamblers; Journal of Leisure Research, Vol. 33 Richard E. Vatz, Lee S. Weinberg (2003). Gambling, Psychology, and State Politics; USA Today (Society for the Advancement of Education), Vol. 131 Richard McGowan (1994). State Lotteries and Legalized Gambling: Painless Revenue or Painful Mirage; Quorum Books Thomas Barker, Marjie Britz (2000). Jokers Wild: Legalized Gambling in the Twenty-First Century; Praeger Read More