Necessary Leadership Alberto Fujimori - Coursework Example

Running Head: NECESSARY LEADERSHIP Necessary Leadership: Alberto Fujimori s Necessary Leadership: Alberto Fujimori Introduction As President of Peru in the 1990s, Alberto Fujimori took what are admittedly extreme measures to fix the Peruvian economy and to eliminate the threat of terrorism in Peru. During a so-called "self-coup" in 1992, Fujimori dissolved the Peruvian Congress, dismissed the judiciary, and suspended the civil liberties of Peruvian citizens (Conaghan, 1995). Such unilateral actions are the antithesis of democracy; however, given the problems that Peru faced in the early 1990s, they were appropriate measures. Had Fujimori not taken these steps, the Peruvian economy would probably still be suffering and the country would be controlled by terrorist organizations. Background When Alberto Fujimori was elected President of Peru in 1990, the country was suffering from massive external debt which could not be paid, uncontrolled hyperinflation, non-existent international reserves, and food shortages (The World Bank, 1997). Basic government services like education, health, and basic infrastructure had been neglected and were eroding away. The government was perceived as weak, and two terrorists groups, Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the MRTA (Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru), were competing for control of the country. Both of these groups had formed alliances with Peruvian drug dealers. Violence and intimidation were common, and law-biding Peruvians were very afraid of what the future might hold for their country and their lives. As one commentator noted, "The intense violence of the 1980s created a content in which many Peruvians were willing to cede citizenship and other rights to an extremely personalistic, authoritarian regime in exchange for order and stability" (Jo-Marie, 2006 p32). Alberto Fujimori was the "extremely personalistic" and politically unknown candidate that was elected president in 1990. After his election, Fujimori vigorously attacked Peru's economic and crime problems. Even Fujimori's critics conceded that Fujimori's policies brought Peru's hyperinflation under control and got the nation's legal economy moving again (Jo-Marie, 2006).Critics also admit that it was under Fujimori that the leaders of Shining Path and MRTA were captured and the guerilla warfare that had characterized terrorist activity in Peru was virtually eliminated (Jo-Marie, 2006). At the same time, the Fujimori administration increased spending on social programs, built schools, repaired or created new infrastructure, and provided funds for community-based economic development (Jo-Marie, 2006). These were all necessary steps in correcting Peru's economic problems and making it safe from terrorists. Fujimori's actions, however, were severely criticized as an abuse of power by his political opponents and by those who saw his policies as violations of human rights. After being reelected to a third term in 2000 under questionable circumstances, Fujimori went into exile in Japan and eventually resigned as President (Peru's Fujimori Resigns, 2000). Since his resignation, additional charges of corruption, death squads, and other abuses of power have surfaced, leading the current Peruvian government to call for Fujimori's extradition from Japan so he may be tried on criminal charges in Peru (Judge Blocks Fujimori Extradition , 2007). Analysis Leadership in Challenging Times Any reasonably competent elected official can lead during times of peace and economic prosperity, when the only real duty of government is simply not to do anything that would interfere with economic growth or destabilize the peace. Effective leaders can make the most of these opportunities; ineffective leaders allow circumstances to erode and lose the gains that were made during prosperous times. As noted above, Fujimori came into power at a time when Peru was enjoying neither peace nor economic success. Data from public opinion polls from the period before Fujimori's election indicated a steady decline in the Peruvian public's confidence in their government, a sentiment which probably contributed heavily to the unknown Fujimori's victory (Conaghan, 1995). At such times, leaders must be more than merely "competent" and non-intrusive. New leaders must be especially responsive to the needs of their country. Problems of the magnitude of Peru's do not reverse themselves simply because a country has an election. Actions must be taken. For over a year after his election, Fujimori attempted to work with the Peruvian Congress to implement reforms that could have alleviated the situation while facing strong political opposition, including opposition from the previous administration. Polling data from after the election provided the justification for the self-coup of 1992. As many as 80% of Peruvians indicated that they approved of Fujimori's specific proposals of institutional reorganization and 60% approved of Fujimori's philosophy of "act now and talk later" (Conaghan, 1995). Although roundly criticized by the international community after the coup, Fujimori had an approval rating among Peruvians of 81% after April 5, the day of the coup, up from 53% the month before (Conaghan, 1995). By comparison, the Peruvian Congress had an approval rating of 17% before it was disbanded in April, 1992 (Conaghan, 1995). Based on these polling results, it seems that Peruvians, much like many people in the United States, may claim to value civil liberties; yet when faced with terrorism, they appear to be willing to accept a certain loss of democratic luxuries in exchange for security. It also seems that this tolerance seems to disappear once a threat has been abated. For example, after the attacks of September 11, 2001, the U.S. Congress passed the Patriot Act, which included unprecedented measures for the surveillance of American citizens and other compromises of civil liberties (USA Patriot Act, 2001). As the United States has gotten farther away from the attacks of September 11, 2001, the American public and Congress have grown less tolerant of airplane searches, phone taps, and other anti-terrorism measures that they willingly embraced in the aftermath of 9/11. Members of the U.S. Congress who supported President Bush in the days after 9/11 are now openly critical of the President and of the very policies which Congress approved (i.e., the Patriot Act, the invasion of Iraq, and others). The same type of revisionist history appears to have happened in Peru. Peruvians welcomed Fujimori and his reforms when they felt threatened by Shining Path and MRTA and when the country faced economic disaster. Once those threats had been reduced, Peruvians became less tolerant of the extreme measures that had been required to bring the situation under control. This is not to say that Fujimori did not overstep the boundaries and abuse his authority in his zeal to protect the people of Peru and for his own personal political gains. His attempt at a third term in office was in violation of Peru's constitution and ultimately led to his downfall. Fujimori's fall from political favor, however, does not change the fact that when he was elected, the people of Peru appeared to want a strong government that would rescue them from their problems, just as they appeared to be less appreciative of what Fujimori had done after he left the country. Fujimori has stated that the fight it cost Peru millions of dollars to fight terrorism. Some of this money was spent directly on anti-terrorist projects that included action by law enforcement agencies and military actions against terrorist groups. These direct assaults, however, were not the only weapons that were used to fight terrorists and the spread of terrorist ideologies. Fujimori pledged to defeat terrorism and expand the crusade against terror through building schools (Huaman, 2003). Money that was spent to rebuild basic infrastructure and provide basic services like clean water, sanitation, and health care could also be considered part of the investment against terrorism (Segura-Ubiergo, 2007). Although terrorists were defeated in direct assaults which resulted in the arrest or death of terrorist leaders and their followers, terrorists were also defeated by indirect assaults against their sources of income while increasing the gross domestic product of Peru. By reducing Peru's debt and increasing the amount of money in the country, more resources were available for the battle against terrorism. Conclusion There is no denying that there were serious problems in the latter years of the Fujimori administration. The attempt at a third election, a clear violation of Peru's constitution, charges of embezzlement among high administration officials, and other charges of improprieties cloud what could have been a brilliant legacy of a Latin American leader. Critics of Fujimori say that these problems were not unexpected and point to the self-coup as one of the signs of the potential problems of the Fujimori administration. These critics claim that democratic government cannot be led by an authoritarian leader who acts like a totalitarian. While these charges may be true, it is also true that Peru was on the verge of collapse when Fujimori took office. Fujimori interpreted his election as a mandate for change, an interpretation that is supported by the polling data that was available at the time of the election and in the months following the self-coup. Had Fujimori continued along the same course as his predecessors, change would not have come to Peru. Fujimori's decisive action, albeit extreme, had positive results for Peru's economy and for the liberty and safety of Peruvian people. In many ways, Fujimori's election was a revolution against the traditional political party structure of Peru and the tacit acceptance of terrorist activity by the Garcia administration that preceded Fujimori. One of the unfortunate aspects of revolution is that those who lead the charge for change are often seduced by power once they are in control. This is the pattern of the Fujimori administration. Democratic leaders fight against terrorists, economic challenges, and political opponents. At the same time, they must also fight against their own political ambitions and ego. Fujimori defeated Shining Path and an oppressive economy. Unfortunately, he was not able to master his own ego or his drive for political power as easily. The articles on his website, most of which were written by Fujimori, sound more like a message from a government in exile that is intent on a return to power than of a man who is concerned about the conditions of a country he claims to love. References Conaghan, C. (1995), Polls, Political Discourse, and the Public Sphere. In P. H. Smith, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Methods and Analysis Boulder, Colorado, United States of America: Westview Press p227. Huaman, E. S. (2003), The Neo-Guerrilla Movement for Indigenous Rights in Peru. Retrieved on February 24, 2008, from Harvard University: http://gseweb.harvard.edu/t656_web/peace/Articles_Spring_2003/Huaman_Elizabeth_PeruNeoguerrilla.htm Jo-Marie, B. (2006), Quien Habla es Terrorista. The Political Use of Fear in Fujimori's Peru. Latin American Research Review, 41, No. 3 , 32-62. Judge Blocks Fujimori Extradition (2007) Retrieved on February 23, 2008, from BBC: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6292778.stm Peru's Fujimori Resigns. (2000) Retrieved on February 23, 2008, from BBC: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/1032381.stm Segura-Ubiergo, A. (2007), The Political Economy of the Welfare State in Latin America: Globalization, Democracy, and Development. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. The World Bank. (1997), World Development Report. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, Inc. USA Patriot Act. (2001) Retrieved on February 23, 2008, from Government Printing Office: http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgidbname=107_cong_public_laws&docid=f:publ056.107 Read More