The Experience of Returning Child Soldiers in Nepal - Essay Example

Analysis of the Experience of Returning Child Soldiers in Nepal Introduction Soldiers go back to civilian life and reintegrated to mainstream society after a war. However, reintegration is consistently burdened with hindrances and problems, but the setbacks for child soldiers who are returning are especially challenging. There have been comprehensive international and local attempts to reintegrate child soldiers both during and after an armed conflict. The reintegration process is generally called DDR, which means ‘disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration’ (Ryan, 2012, p. 137). Disarmament refers to the confiscation, certification, regulation, and removal of arms from civilians and soldiers. Demobilisation is the withdrawal of soldiers from armed groups, and reintegration implies the return of soldiers to civilian life. Reintegration is usually viewed to be an indefinite economic and social mechanism that occurs in communities locally (Wessells, 2006). This essay analyses the experience of child soldiers in Nepal upon their return in the local communities. The first section explains the social and psychological issues of redistributed child soldiers, followed by an analysis of the initiatives taken by the Nepal government and other organisations to help in the process. And the final section presents suggestions for possible alternative approaches. The United Nations considers the return of child soldiers in their local communities a complicated, continuous process that necessitates substantial resources. The urgent task is finding the families of the child soldiers in order to bring them back to their families and communities (Kuper, 1997). Although this may seem easy, it is often filled with difficulties. In numerous cases, the families and communities may have been severely damaged by war, are in dismal financial condition, and cannot take care of or support returning combatants. According to Gates (2010), even though it is at times claimed that child soldiers must be capable of regaining their ‘lost childhood,’ this is practically unattainable. Experience of Child Soldiers from Nepal The Maoists’ practice of enlisting children for combat or military assistance is one of the most troubling realities of the civil war in Nepal. The Maoists have exploited various methods for recruiting children (e.g. use of misleading campaigns, kidnapping of children) (Aryal, 2011). At the peak of the civil war, in territories strongly ruled by Maoists, the rebels enforced a ‘one family, one child’ policy in which every family had to offer a recruit or suffer serious punishment (Human Rights Watch, 2007, p. 5). The implementation of this policy reached its climax in 2004 and 2005, as the civil conflict was intensifying. The Maoists did not stop recruiting and training children as combatants through the period of ceasefire. International and local monitors reported that cases of kidnapping went down since the cessation of hostilities, as Maoists can conduct recruitment operation publicly and do not have to abduct children (Human Rights Watch, 2007, pp. 5-6). Nevertheless, they also reported that Maoists have sometimes depended on deceit or ploy to enlist children methodically all over Nepal. The Maoists continuously recruited children until 2006, after the endorsement of the comprehensive peace agreement (Aryal, 2011). However, a statement from the Nepali National Coalition for Children as Zones of Peace in 2006 reported that “still in the various parts of the country, Maoists are abducting and torturing children on various charges, threatening them to join their cultural troupe and army, forcibly associating them in the armed group, etc” (Human Rights Watch, 2007, p. 36). The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Nepal substantiated the report. Returning child soldiers have usually occupy powerful positions in the armed forces and are hesitant or not able to carry on a child’s role. Even though they may theoretically be children, they may create anxiety in their families and communities. For female combatants, involvement in the armed conflict may bear a serious stigma that largely prohibits or impedes their reintegration to family and community life, particularly if they were sexually violated during their time with the military (Healy & Link, 2012). Moreover, members of the family and community may be inhospitable to children who have perpetrated violence during the armed conflict. Analysis of Problems upon Return from Combat Child soldiers encounter numerous physical difficulties, like impairments and injuries. Other health-related problems are sexually transmitted diseases, visual and auditory disabilities, skin lesions, respiratory disorders, and malnutrition (Campbell, Miers, & Miller, 2011). The psychological impacts of war hostilities on child soldiers are grief, post-traumatic stress, anxiety and depression. Ex-child soldiers in Nepal had constant psychological problems like persistent and disturbing thoughts, and nightmares. In Nepal, roughly 62% had major mental health problems, like functional disability, PTSD, and depression (Kohrt et al., 2010, p. 733). Psychological impacts can be permanent, as suggested by the high percentage of ex-child soldiers from Nepal showing symptoms of PTSD several years after exposure to violence (Kohrt et al., 2010). The kind of exposure to hostilities can influence a child’s mental health condition and later reintegration. Exposure to intense violence was a stronger determinant of PTSD, aggression, anxiety, and depression than being victimised or witnessing hostility. Moreover, more severe symptoms of PTSD in ex-child soldiers were related to poor acceptance of reconciliation and greater feelings of retaliation (Singer, 2006). Furthermore, the longer child combatants were with the military, the more they kept on committing violence to gain control over other people upon return to their families and communities. Moreover, the social roles that numerous ex-child soldiers had before entering the armed forces have altered as they have lost family members (Kahn, 2008). According to Rosen (2005), these children could be the only survivor of families that were slaughtered, or they may go back home to assume the responsibility of caring or supporting other members of the family. The social realities of child combatants transform drastically with the death of loved ones and significant others, damaged social identities, and disrupted social networks. These children may fear discrimination, rejection, and persecution from members of the community because of the crimes they perpetrated (Webster, 2007). Programmes to raise the awareness of the members of the community about the experiences of ex-child soldiers in Nepal were major steps in their successful reintegration. Social and psychological rehabilitation programmes for ex-child combatants have been largely influenced by humanitarian guidelines like the United Nation’s Convention on the Rights of the Child (De Silva, 2006). The UN teams up with NGOs to create the DDR activities that bolster the reintegration of ex-child soldiers. Kohr and colleagues (2008 as cited in Singer & Hodge, 2010, pp. 95-96) investigated ex-child soldiers and children who were not recruited. The recruited children were involved in the Maoist movement in Nepal who instigated a civil strife in the country. All children had experienced or witnessed torture, maltreatment, and terrorist activities. Ex-child soldiers showed more symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, and depression than non-combatants. In general, the psychological health problems of ex-child soldiers are more frequent and severe compared to the psychological disorder of children who were not recruited. The results reveal that the difference between non-combatants or civilians and ex-child soldiers is largely rests among the combatants with more serious trauma or distress. Girls were discovered to have more severe symptoms of PTSD and depression. The research discovered that child soldiers who remained associated with the military had more serious psychological health conditions than those that were totally demobilised. It would be astonishing if several child soldiers, particularly among those who have been in active combat, did not undergo the mental distress of war (Singer & Hodge, 2010, p. 96). Still, this research demonstrates the significance of psychological intervention. Psychological and Social Issues of Redistributed Child Soldiers Rehabilitation programmes furnish ex-child combatants with necessary resources throughout the process of reintegration; nevertheless, the distribution of these resources to child combatants in a community where all the members have been severely affected by hostilities and have the same demands and needs usually brings about conflict between the community members and returning child soldiers (Grover, 2012). Thus positive reintegration is strengthened by the capacity of ex-child soldiers to take part in socially recognised livelihood practices, go back to school, rebuild positive relationships, and contribute to the reconstruction of schools and homes demolished during the war. Such culturally and socially important tasks create ‘normal’ experiences and restore the roles of ex-child combatants in the community, thus reinforcing psychosocial recovery (Boyden & De Berry, 2004). The difficulties of reintegration could be much more problematic if child soldiers are abused when they go back to their families and communities. In numerous ways, the reintegration process was much more problematic and distressing for child soldiers than their actual service in the military (Tonheim, 2009). For instance, the documentary film Returned featured a 13-year-old girl, Asha, from a destitute family in Nepal (Ozerdem & Podder, 2011). She sought membership to a Maoist women’s brigade in order to run away from domestic slavery. She wanted to study, but her family believed it was useless for a girl to get an education. On the contrary, the Maoist group had a principle of gender equality and offered her the chance to exploit her art talent in creating propaganda placards. After being away from her family for a year, she went back home. Her mother immediately imprisoned her in the house and arranged Asha’s marriage. The marital relationship was violent. In fact, after her in-laws discovered she had been a member of a Maoist group, they maltreated her. After attempting to kill herself, Asha was thrown out of the house and returned to her family (Ozerdem & Podder, 2011). The case of Asha demonstrates that merely reintegrating child soldiers into their communities and families may poorly benefit children who joined the military to run away from severe injustices in their communities and families. The solution is finding out their needs instead of dictating, beforehand, what they need. How to successfully reintegrate ex-child soldiers into mainstream society is usually unclear and can confront opposition and setbacks. After a decade of civil conflict in Nepal ex-Maoist soldiers, including thousands of children, were imprisoned in several encampments before returning to their families and communities (De Silva, 2006). Yet, according to Human Rights Watch (2007), it took several years for the incumbent administration to truly initiate the release of these children. The negotiations between the Maoists and the government after the cessation of hostilities have not sufficiently tackled the issue of child soldiers. Since the negotiating period, even though safety and stability have enhanced significantly, almost nothing has been done to speed up the demobilisation and reintegration of child soldiers recruited by the Maoists—partly because the children’s condition has not been addressed, partly because the Maoists keep on avoiding the issue, and partly because of the inadequacy of resources and absence of political resolve by the Nepali government (Drumbl, 2012). The statement of the Secretary General regarding the plight of child soldiers in Nepal reveals that since 2006, “it should be highlighted that child protection agencies have faced major difficulties in obtaining the separation of large numbers of children from CPN-M, in actively following up family requests for assistance to get their children out as well as in addressing the continuous and current cases of recruitment” (Human Rights Watch, 2007, p. 58). Those discharged will allegedly be given vocational training or professional education and an allowance for their daily needs as they travel back to their communities. However, for some of these children returning to their families and communities is fraught with difficulties because of community rejection and persecution. As stated by one child protection worker: “Before we reunite the children, we go to the parents and communities... We explain that these are just children who have been manipulated by adults, that they did not understand what they were doing. What they need is a lot of love and attention” (Hartjen & Priyadarsini, 2012, p. 126). In certain instances, the freed ex-combatant had to be ‘re-liberated’ from their families and communities because of persecution and rejection (Goins, 2008). The Nepali government not merely failed to develop and provide rehabilitation and reintegration support for child combatants, but forcefully impeded such attempts by being unable to surrender children arrested by law enforcement to appropriate departments, such as NGOs and UN organisations. Law enforcement has imprisoned children for a considerable amount of time, usually in deplorable and atrocious conditions (Aryal, 2011). The international law has acknowledged that child soldiers have the right to special support to guarantee their reintegration into civilian life (Heppner, Mathieson, & Human Rights Watch, 2007). The Nepali government, according to its treaty commitments, should provide rehabilitation and reintegration support for ex-child soldiers, such as assistance for their psychological and physical treatment, vocational schooling, and access to educational opportunities. Sadly, up to now the Nepali government has inadequately addressed the problems of child soldiers. A small number of NGOs offer essential and appropriate rehabilitation services, but the support given is completely temporary (Rotberg, 2010). Almost all returning child soldiers confront serious challenges and difficulties. They may have no home to return to, or may require assistance in finding family members who may be eager to accept them. A large number of them have stopped studying for a long duration of time, and may find it difficult to re-enrol due to lack of resources (Standing & Parker, 2011). They may have few job-related competencies and few alternatives to provide for themselves. Former child combatants may also suffer from psychological and emotional difficulties (Ogwo, 2010). A therapist with a rehabilitation project administered by an NGO in Nepal informed Human Rights Watch, “The children can’t sleep at night. They have eating problems, anxiety, fear about the future and about themselves” (Human Rights Watch, 2007, p. 60). Current programmes endow ex-child combatants with various services, such as reintegration with their families and communities, access to employment prospects, vocational schooling, education, and psychosocial counselling. However, these programmes are significantly limited to deal with the massive number of children to be discharged in case of a successful peace negotiation between the Maoists and the government (Human Rights Watch, 2007). For the time being, as stated by the Nepali organisations, they have failed to support a large number of children even after the cessation of hostilities (De Silva, 2006). The rehabilitation and reintegration of child combatants necessitates special knowledge, experience, and skills. Child protection organisations such as NGOs and UN agencies should lead the provision of practical and technical knowledge for the development and implementation of reintegration programmes (Bwimana, 2012). But the Nepali government also has an obligation to develop and implement reintegration programmes, engage appropriate agencies in the decision-making process, distribute sufficient resources, and offer political assistance or support. According to Bohara and colleagues (2006), seeking assistance from other countries is also an effective way of helping child protection organisations generate resources, capability, and guarantee continuous provision of important reintegration services, like access to education and employment opportunities. Child protection workers should expand their expertise and knowledge about the particular forms of violence that former child combatants have witnessed or engaged in; this concerns all sectors of child protection programmes. Children’s experiences in war are multifaceted (David, 1998). Areas of analysis should involve examining the strong points of ex-child soldiers and of their families and communities during the process of reintegration. Policy implications involve a heightened involvement of social workers in agencies that form humanitarian and human rights guidelines and programmes associated with child soldiers (Kuper, 2005). Giving more voice to social workers can improve and deepen these discussions by placing emphasis on the multifaceted physical, psychological, and social needs of child combatants. Conclusions Returning child soldiers in Nepal face major social and psychological challenges. Their experience as combatants create social stigma, which brings about community rejection and persecution. In addition, their exposure to violence causes serious health-related and psychological problems, like depression, anxiety, trauma, etc. All these social and psychological problems consequently affect their later reintegration into civilian society. Unfortunately, the Nepali government was not able to provide the adequate rehabilitation and reintegration assistance that these returning children need. Fortunately, international organisations and NGOs are continuously improving their child protection and humanitarian services. But these efforts are not without a flaw. There is still a need to expand knowledge about the specific needs of returning child soldiers and enhance expertise in developing and implementing effective rehabilitation and reintegration programmes. References Aryal, S. (2011) Use of Child Soldiers in Nepal: A Causal Analysis. London: LAP Lambert Acad. Publ. Bohara, A., Mitchell, N., & Nepal, M. (2006) “Opportunity, Democracy, and the Exchange of Political Violence: A Subnational Analysis of Conflict in Nepal”, Journal of Conflict Resolution 50(1), 108-128. Boyden, J. & De Berry, J. (2004) Children and Youth on the Front Line: Ethnography, Armed Conflict and Displacement. New York: Berghahn Books. Bwimana, A. (2012) Reintegration of Ex-Child Soldiers for a Peace Process: The Experience of Southern Kivu Province, the DRC. London: Lambert Academic Publishing. Campbell, G., Miers, S., Miller, J. (2011) Child Slaves in the Modern World. Ohio: Ohio University Press. David, K. (1998) The Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration of Child Soldiers in Liberia 1994-1997: The Process and Lessons Learned. A Report. Washington, DC: UNICEF. De Silva, H. (2006) Child Soldiers for Adult Wars: Exploitation in Nepal and Sri Lanka. New York: ILO. Drumbl, M. (2012) Reimagining Child Soldiers in International Law and Policy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gates, S. (2010) Child Soldiers in the Age of Fractured States. Pennsylvania: University of Pittsburgh Press. Goins, S. (2008) The Place of Forgiveness in the Reintegration of Former Child Soldiers in Sierra Leone. London: University of Wales. Grover, S. (2012) Child Soldier Victims of Genocidal Forcible Transfer: Exonerating Child Soldiers Charged with Grave Conflict-Related International Crimes. London: Springer. Hartjen, C. & Priyadarsini, S. (2012) The Global Victimisation of Children: Problems and Solutions. London: Springer. Healy, L. & Link, R. (2012) Handbook of International Social Work: Human Rights, Development, and the Global Profession. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Heppner, K., Mathieson, D., & Human Rights Watch (2007) Sold to be Soldiers: The Recruitment and Use of Child Soldiers in Burma. Washington, DC: Human Rights Watch. Human Rights Watch (2007) Nepal, Children in the Ranks. Austin, Texas: Human Rights Watch. Kahn, L. (2008) Child Soldiers. London: Power House Books. Kohrt, B. et al. (2010) “Social Ecology of Child Soldiers: Child, Family, and Community Determinants of Mental Health, Psychosocial Well-Being, and Reintegration in Nepal”, Transcultural Psychiatry 47(5), 727-753. Kuper, J. (1997) International Law Concerning Child Civilians in Armed Conflict. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Kuper, J. (2005) Military Training and Children in Armed Conflict: Law, Policy, and Practice. New York: Martinus Nijhoff. Ogwo, A. (2010) “A Review of the Effects of Armed Conflict on Children-Psychological Implications”, Ife Psychologia 18(2), 236+ Ozerdem, A. & Podder, S. (2011) Child Soldiers: From Recruitment to Reintegration. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Rosen, D. (2005) Armies of the Young: Child Soldiers in War and Terrorism. Piscataway, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. Rotberg, R. (2010) When States Fail: Causes and Consequences. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Ryan, C. (2012) The Children of War: Child Soldiers as Victims and Participants in the Sudan Civil War. London: I.B. Tauris. Singer, P. (2006) Children at war. Thousand Oaks, CA: University of California Press. Singer, M. & Hodge, G.D. (2010) The War Machine and Global Health. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Standing, K. & Parker, S. (2011) “The Effect of the ‘People’s War’ on Schooling in Nepal, 1996-2006”, Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 6(2), 181-195. Tonheim, M. (2009) Reintegration of Child Soldiers: A Literature Review with Particular Focus on Girl Soldiers’ Reintegration in the DRC. London: Misjonshogskolens forl. Webster, T. (2007) “Babes with Arms: International Law and Child Soldiers”, The George Washington International Law Review 39(2), 227+ Wessells, M. (2006) Child Soldiers: From Violence to Protection. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Read More