Globalization, accompanied by liberal rhetoric, is accused in losses of the cultural identity, the insufficient accountability of large transnational corporations, deterioration of the rights of workers, increase of distance between the rich and poor countries and between classes. Liberalism is also suspected in promoting capture of authority by the countries of the West and in particular the USA above the whole planet.
The modern world experiences fundamental and dynamical changes. Transformation of the international relations, the termination of confrontation and consecutive overcoming of consequences of Cold War have expanded opportunities of cooperation on international scene. Threat of the global nuclear conflict is shown to a minimum. At preservation of value of military force in relations between the states, now economic, political, scientific and technical, ecological and information factors start to play the increasing role. At the same time there is a clear tendency to creation of unipolar structure of the world at economic and power domination of the USA.
So let us try to consider liberalism in post-Cold war international politics. The book of British scientist E. Williams ‘Liberalism and War: The Victors and the Vanquished’ is published in a series ‘The new international relations’ which is edited by known British theorists of the international relations of B. Buzan and R. Little. It is devoted to one of most discussed issues, to the correlation between liberalism and foreign-policy behaviour of countries, which support it. The author deduces a theme from habitual 'clich' of the theory of the democratic world and considers the problem in wider context of liberal ideology of the developed countries on an example of their behaviour in relations with the vanquished states. Williams sees the purpose of his work in the historical analysis of the origin of a phenomenon of 'militant liberalism', its possible consequences for the countries, which can become a target of new liberal 'fury', and also for the liberal states and liberalism as a whole. Williams specifies the continuity of modern militant American liberalism in execution of the command of Bush Junior and the practice of the British imperial liberalism of nineteenth century.
The author begins his research with a well-known, but nevertheless the 'provoking' thesis that liberal regimes, despite of the sympathy to oppressed people and rather moral declarations, quite often used wars and the post-war development as means of distribution of their own ideology and spheres of influence. This tendency has reached its culmination in war against Iraq in 2003, and as the author marks, the given operation can be considered or as the maximum point of development of this tendency, or as the lowest point of falling of prestige of liberal ideology, depending on how to estimate the military operation in Iraq. The polemic passion of the book in many respects coincides with criticism, which sounds today among foreign affairs specialists with respect to imperial behaviour of the USA and imposing of liberal values as panaceas from all problems of internal and external origin.
As a leitmotif of the book