The fear, the starvation and the lives wasted always haunt not only the nation to where it is occurring, it affects the whole world in the final analysis. In our present age, Somalia has always been the epitome of poverty. Pictures of toothpick-thin Somali children have flooded the magazines all over the world, with drooping eyes seemingly begging for our help. Until now, their state conditions had barely changed.
Almost 15 years after Somalia fell apart in 1991 in spate of clan-based rebellions against the genocidal, 22-year dictatorship of President Mohammed Siad Barre, the fear and the loathing in this country still exists. Since 1991, there have been fourteen efforts at national reconciliation; to date, none has been successful. Various groupings of Somali factions have sought to control the national territory (or portions thereof) and have fought small wars with one another. Dahir Riyale Kahin was elected President of the self-declared "Republic of Somaliland," which is made up of the former northwest provinces of the Somali republic, in presidential elections deemed free and fair by international observers in May 2003. In 1998, the area of Puntland in the northeast declared itself autonomous (although not independent) as the "State of Puntland" with its capital at Garowe. Puntland declared it would remain autonomous until a federated Somalia state was established (US Department of State, 2005).
Good Morning, Somalia!
As we all know, the terrible famine of 1993 in the south was entirely induced by civil war. A US- and UN-led humanitarian intervention failed to understand Somali complexities, was humiliated, and when it left in 1995 had only instigated more conflicts to arise. The destruction of the infrastructure in the south and central areas, including schools, clinics and buildings of any significance similarly annihilated any form of hope to float among its citizens.
Relentless efforts of other African powers and the international system to abominate war have led to a national vacuum. Insisting "Somalia" be reunified under a joint administration had not brought their leaders to senses. Accordingly, President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, leader of the relatively peaceful and homogeneous northeastern enclave of Puntland and a candidate just about acceptable to other warlords, took power in October 2004. This was the result of a long drawn-out, internationally mediated negotiation and election process in Nairobi, Kenya. However, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) remains, squabbling at international expense over the nationality of possible peacekeepers to help them go home. Somaliland, which has been an independently functioning political and administrative entity since 1993, refused to participate in this 'peace' process and maintains a tireless quest for separate recognition (Black, July 2005).
Waking up during mornings has never become better in Somalia. With its governance-free condition, central and southern Somalia being run by local armed warlords, the dizzyingly complex and fluid state of allegiance and feud leave the country wallowing in fear, poverty and hunger. Crossing the shifting boundaries between their terrains is risky, depending on a person's clan lineage and the local militia's mood.