The main components Kuwaiti society - Essay Example

The Main Components of Kuwaiti Society Following the discovery of oil, Kuwaiti society expanded to include several components. The ruling family is Kuwait’s main political and socio-economic institution, although generational change in the last decade has resulted in internal rivalries between them, which are expected to weaken their standing as the ruling class in the future (p.596). Another component includes expatriates, who have increasingly outnumbered national Kuwaitis since discovery of oil and neutrality during the Cold War drew in Syrians, Iraqis, Indians, and Palestinians.

Moreover, increased need for labour with economic expansion and reconstruction after the Iraqi invasion drew new labour from Asia, after which immigrants made up at least a third of Kuwait’s population increase. The Bedouin is another component of Kuwaiti society, such as the Mutair, the Awazim, and the Ajman, who are well represented in the Kuwaiti assembly and cabinet (p.596). They continue to retain their tribal values despite increased urbanization and integration. Traditionally perceived as government allies, Bedouins been granted welfare benefits and citizenship, although latter developments have seen some sections become critical of government.

Another component is made up of the Shiites from KSA, Bahrain, and Iran that makes up a substantial minority and whose resistance to Iraqi invasion despite religious affiliations improved their standing in Kuwaiti society (p.597). Another component, the Bidun, never attained formal citizenship documents, thus is referred to as stateless. Their fate is still not settled and attempts to gain citizenships have been repressed by the government. Merchants also play role in society and, although their political role was undermined by the discovery of oil, their economic role is still significant in financial institutions and Kuwaiti privatization efforts (p.598). Finally, Islamists are an increasingly powerful component force in Kuwaiti society, despite the manifest Sunni-Shiite religious divide.

From this discussion, it is evident that the Islamist component has the biggest role to play in Kuwait’s political future. This trend was started by co-option into government to fight the nationalist threat in the assembly, as well as the increasingly prominent role of the Bedouin. It continued with the capture of 36% of representative seats in the assembly in 1999 (p.599). Despite Sunni/Shiite division on the basis of tactics and priorities, their unity in attempting to change certain aspects of Kuwait’s society means that this group will continue to affect the direction of Kuwaiti society policies.

The Shiites continue to fight for more recognition and an end to social and legal discrimination and, given their strong minority status, it seems that they may be successful. The Salafists, who are mainly Sunni Muslims, continue to focus their efforts on matters of belief and ethical issues (p.599), which will most likely find favour in a dynamic Kuwaiti society. In fact, part of the Sunni Islamist group, the Muslim Brotherhood, has become a politicized force with a focus on political and social reform (p.599). Given their majority status in Kuwaiti society, both the Shiite and Sunni Islamist components of society will have a profound influence on the future of Kuwait politics, especially given they hold majority of seats in the assembly after the elections of 2012.

This is particularly true given the decline in political power for the Kuwaiti ruling family as discussed above and the continued marginalization of the Bidun and increasing assimilation of the Bedouin into society (p.596). Finally, with the increasingly significant gains for Islamists in Tunisia, Egypt, Iraq, and other countries in the Middle east, there is more reason to believe that Islamists, both Sunni and Shiite, will play a critical role in Kuwaiti politics in the future.