The post American world - Book Report/Review Example

The Post American World In his book, The Post American World, Fareed Zakaria talks about the rise of other global powers aside from America. The opening statement gives an idea of the thesis of the book when he writes that, “This book is not about the decline of America but rather about the rise of everyone else (p. 1).” Zakaria makes his case by considering the three forces – that is politics, economy, and technology which play a big role in determining the rise of other nations. Of the three forces mentioned, the author notes that economy is the most significant force in the current world. He goes further to analyze the growth of China and India in order to help his readers understand his thesis. He concludes that while China has not dislodged the U.S. as the most powerful nation, it the right time for the U.S. to understand that its role as world superpower has changed a lot. In order to build his case that, Zakaria focuses on the forces of politics, economy, and technology (p. 21). In a globalized world, a problem occurring in one country is likely to affect the rest of the world (p.31). The rise of other countries into powerful governments poses one challenge: the ability for nations to agree on various issues decreases. As the economies of other nations grow, the level of nationalism also increases. Proud citizens would want their country to be seen as the most powerful nation in the world (p.32). In the case studies, it can be noted that China, more than any nation in the world, has had its economy double every eight years for the last three decades. Throughout history, great nations have used their powers to spread their influence across the world. China is the latest entrant in this game expanding its influences not only in Asia but also throughout Africa (p. 115-119). The level of nationalism has increased such that Beijing is always acting in a bid to protect its self interests. This growth has gradually changed the political landscape such that China hardly dances to the tune of the United States. The other case discussed in the book is that of India, an ally to China. While India does not have an effective government system, it has managed to sustain a rather peaceful democratic system. Also, its economic potential is very bright because of its huge human capital and entrepreneurial abilities of the Indians. Consequently, the U.S. political elite have turned their gaze on India as an ally who could possibly put China’s rapid expansion in check. In the chapter on American power, Zakaria says that “Higher education is America’s best industry (p.190).” Americans workers had previously enjoyed the advantage of having access to American capital. However, this privilege is no longer there as the rest of the world is also having access to the same capital (p.209). This situation has pushed America to start worrying about losing its edge. The author notes that the U.S., in as much as is the strongest country in the world, it does not currently have a stronger hand as it used to have in 1945 or even 2000. The world order has shifted and United States had to accept that. Therefore, the traditional role of U.S. as superpower something that need to be forgotten behind. Instead, U.S. should play an important role of honest broker that Bismarck’s Germany played in Europe in the late 19th century. Other roles that U.S. should play include consultation, cooperation, and compromise. This is because it still has the potential of defining actions, setting agendas, and mobilizing other nations into action. The most convincing argument that Zakaria puts forth is that America, while still retaining its politico-military superiority, is losing ground on the industrial, educational, financial, and socio-cultural dimension. Instead, these latter privileges are slowly moving in favor of emerging economies such as China and India. For example, China has skillfully used diplomacy to win support of nations across Asia and Africa. In the recent years, China’s activities in African continent have been a lot in form of grants and loans to construct infrastructure. Also, most of Chinese expatriates are working in the developing economies. A recent survey indicates that the public in traditional U.S. allies such as Indonesia and Thailand trust more China as global super power than U.S. In the article The Rise of China and the Future of the West, John Ikenberry adds weight to Zakaria argument when he asserts that United States’ “unipolar moment” is bound to come to an end. The author further notes that if the struggle for control of affairs in the 21st century is between China and United States, China has a comparative advantage. However, if the indicative struggle is between China and a revived Western system, the West will certainly triumph. China has in the recent years consolidated its position towards a formidable global player. The size of its economy has expanded by almost four times since the 1970s and, by some estimates; it may again double in the next two decades. Chinese global power could further be attributed to its emergence as business centre consuming about a 30 percent of world’s iron, steel, and coal. In addition, its decision to increase its military spending suggests a nation that is preparing for any eventuality. China has not only positioned itself as an emerging economic power, but also as a military power. Its influence is crossing the boundaries of Asia into Middle East, Latin America and Africa. This can attributed to immense diplomatic efforts and projects being run by Chinese government in these regions. As Paul Kennedy and Robert Gilpin suggest, power transitions are a recurring problem in international relations. Contrary to Zakaria’s argument is that point of view presented by Josef Joffe the article The Default Power; the False Prophecy of Americas Decline. The theory of U.S. on the decline is a theory that has been fronted since the 1950s with each decade having its own reasons. For instance, Joffe recounts aspects such as Sputnik shock of the 1950s, “missile gap” of the 1960s voiced by J.F. Kennedy, and Richard Nixon’s assertion of a shift from two global powers to five global powers. U.S.’s spirited involvement was also predicted to ring ruin to the United States. In the contrary, United States of America has remained unshaken over the years with its position as global superpower. Potential threats such as Russia and Japan in the latter part of the 20th century have all been silenced. Therefore, the new theory of China slowly dislodging United States from its summit position in global powers could simply be another fallacy. The author suggests that the U.S. has a default power that makes it hard for other emerging economies to rival it. In addition, he seems to fault the idea of using GDP measured using purchasing power parity (PPP) as an indicator of the strength of an economy. He alludes that China PPP is anchored on inferior nontradable goods such as haircuts and bootlegged software. This is unlike to the advanced technology, energy, and education of the West. In the last chapter titled American Purpose, Zakaria acknowledges America’s dominance in respect to its political and military base. However, he notes that on the economic, financial and cultural aspects America is on a tremendous down ward trend. This will in effect trigger a series of shifts in the international affairs as emerging economies such as China also endeavor to show their muscles in the global arena. Among the likely results of power shift is United States decision to take a substantial shift in its basic approach to the world (p. 218). America’s being at the forefront of global wars against rogue regimes may not substantially help in changing the attitudes of other nations against its excessive power. Zakaria notes that “People around the globe worry about living in a world in which one country has so much power (p. 228)." Evidently, America finds itself in at a crossroad where it has to respond to the demands of the new era. This is a system where a diffused power is favorable as everyone would love to feel empowered (p. 231). Therefore, the author suggests a list of six guidelines for United States’ new role in the world. First, the U.S. has to choose where to focus its attention and energies and avoid the trap of responding to every crisis. Secondly, it should not narrow interests but instead build broader rules. Thirdly, United States should operate as Bismarck and not Britain where it develops close relationships with all global powers. Other points include an understanding that being a superpower is not a solution to every problem (Order a la carte), apply asymmetrical reasoning, and ensure legitimacy of its power. I want to agree with Zakaria that it is a high time for the U.S. to acknowledge that world order has significantly shifted. Other countries such as China have emerged as economic powerhouses and, therefore, must be given substantial military and political space. Also, I agree with the idea of U.S. serving as a consultant and should be a Bismarck rather than a Briton. As it sounds now, the world is contending with rogue forces such as the ISIS that threaten the world stability. U.S. acting in isolation could cause infighting among nations that do not agree with U.S. foreign policies. Therefore, still being a powerful nation, U.S. should call other nations into actions through discussions and compromise rather than by dictating. Reference Zakaria, F. (2011). The Post-American World: Release 2.0. New York, NY: W. W. Norton. Ikenberry, G. J. (2008) The Rise of China and the Future of the West; Can the Liberal System Survive? Joffe, J. (2009). The Default Power The False Prophecy of Americas Decline Read More