The Global Geopolitics - Essay Example

HERE HERE YOUR HERE HERE To what extent can global geopolitics in the period since 1989 be considered as a clash of civilisations? Geopolitics is a domain which studies foreign policies in an effort to recognise and predict political behaviours of international actors and states with reference of geographical considerations. Particularly, geopolitics takes into consideration land territories, demography, topography and a state’s available natural resources to determine political authority within a certain geographic region. The year 1989 represented the end of the Cold War, a period of marked militaristic and political tensions between the United States and its allies and the Soviet Union and this state’s supporters. Between the 1940s and 1989, global citizens were held hostage to recurring conflict between the world’s two largest superpowers which never reached a full militaristic situation as a result of both superpower’s capability to impose mass destruction against the other (Gaddis 56). However, since 1989, many states have developed more technological capacity and economic strength, making powers other than the Western Bloc and the Eastern Bloc more influential in geopolitics. Since 1989, more geopolitical power spread throughout emerging militaristic and economically-sound states has changed the dynamics of political relationships throughout the world. This essay explores the Gulf War, theory regarding global capitalism and U.S. unipolarity to describe how geopolitics, today, has led to a clash of civilisations. Between 1980 and 1988, Iraq had been engaged in a lengthy war against Iran, sparked by unsettled border disputes between the two nations. Iraq, a once-wealthy and prosperous nation, was witnessing its economic strength diminishing as a result of continuously funding a costly military effort against its rival. During this war, Saudi Arabia, one of the world’s largest oil producers, began to fear that if Iran won this conflict, it would create an Iran hegemony that would ultimately threaten national security of Saudi Arabia and its oil-related revenues. Saudi Arabia had loans $26 billion USD to Iraq as a dual effort to ensure that the Shia in Iran would not gain substantial political power. Kuwait, another oil rich nation, had also loaned Iraq $14 billion USD to assist Iraq in its military objectives against Iran. By 1990, Kuwait refused to simply forgive this $14 billion dollar loan even though Iraq was convinced that the eight year-long war had achieved an oppression of Iran’s growing strength (Watson, George, Tsouras and Cyr 61). The Saudis, additionally, placed considerable pressure on Iraq to begin loan repayment and cited that Iraq had failed to completely achieve its original war objectives against Iran. Fuelled by dwindling economic strength and animosities between these states as a result of loan repayment angst, Iraq determined that an invasion of Kuwait would serve its economic objectives of restoring the Iraqi economy (Friedman 1). This invasion and blunder of Kuwait’s financially-prosperous oil reserves led to international retaliation by 34 different nations in an effort to depose Iraq from Kuwait. After 1989, emerging economies such India began increasing demand for oil as a means of sustaining their production and logistical needs when attempting to become more competitive in the global trade market. The invasion of Kuwait would have given Iraq considerable geopolitical authority in the Middle East and substantially-strengthened the economic power of this nation by giving Iraq dominant control over oil production and distribution to other emerging (and mature) economies. As a result of ensuring economic stability for 34 nations with a vested interest in fair and affordable oil procurement, a coalition was formed that ultimately deposed Iraq from Kuwait by 1991. However, the Gulf War radically changed the dynamics of political relationships in this region and created a substantial clash of civilisations. During the war, over 400,000 Palestinians living in Kuwait fled the nation due to long-standing social and political differences between Iraq. Prior to the war, Palestinians made up a significant 20 percent of Kuwait’s entire population and maintained influence in politics and business. After the 1991 Gulf War, even the Kuwaiti Defence Ministry stated that the government should eradicate any opportunity for residency in Kuwait for Palestinian people (Ibrahim1). With Kuwait now regaining control over its vast natural resources and development of a positive political relationship with many Western nations, who were instrumental in providing foreign direct investment, Kuwait no longer had a need for Palestinian presence in the country and served as the foundation for social change in which Kuwaitis no longer viewed Palestinian people as viable or relevant social or economic contributors. This viewpoint now underpins government unwillingness to negotiate in favour of Palestinian interests, once a government consideration as a result of more diverse demography that had existed in Kuwait prior to the Gulf War. From a different perspective, the dominance of global capitalism has led to a clash of civilisations. Especially apparent in China Western values continue to influence political ideology and business practices. As China emerges as a competitive force in global trade, capitalism dominates consumer values in a nation that is moving toward a more democratic country. Prior to 1989, global political relationships were strained between Chinese government and Western nations. Today, however, with China developing lucrative capital and securities market, the economic policy of China is much more influential in what underpins economic strength and security for other capitalistic nations. By 2005, the U.S. maintained a $200 billion trade deficit with China as U.S. importation increased (Economy Watch 1). In fact, China now holds over $1.4 trillion USD of America’s assets in treasury bonds and securities (Fallows 1). The once economically-superior rogue hegemony, the United States, now must be more diplomatic in political relationships with China due to the nation’s financial holdings and critical influence in controlling importation-related debt. Prior the end of the Cold War, the U.S. economy was not nearly as dependent on Chinese economic strength and economic policy of the nation which dictated colder and less diplomatic relations. Chinese culture, founded on collectivist values and Communist ideologies, are resistant to other nations imposing disparate political values and social ideologies on China. Post 1989, the autocratic ruling regimes in China have built economic policies that promote private initiative and autonomy in economic policy development (Ali and Crain 418). Hence, Chinese relationships with the U.S. reject an imposition of economic policy in a nation where China maintains comparable economic power achieved through more efficient (and capitalist oriented) exploitation of its natural resources. Concurrently, government investment in modern military technologies has deterred U.S. superpower intimidation (Craig 42). Hence, whilst the capitalistic-oriented culture of the U.S. might attempt, politically, to induce more economic cooperation between the U.S. and China, Chinese culture rejects this influence and favours more autonomous economic policy that is conducive to benefitting the Chinese collectivist culture. As illustrated, geopolitics, post-1989, has created a substantial clash of civilisations. Natural resource conflicts in the Middle East have removed Palestinian influence and consideration from political negotiations and foreign policy development. Social attitudes related to the demographic make-up of Kuwait radically altered social sentiment about Palestinian relevance that now underpins tensions between Kuwaiti citizens and the Palestinian ideology. Chinese autonomy in economic growth and military strength, as a result of proper utilisation of natural resources, depletes American hegemonic influence and threat. This comparable military and economic position did not exist prior to 1989 when the U.S. was a dominant rogue superpower. Geopolitics, therefore, should be considered as an underpinning for a recognisable clash of civilisations that predicts political strategy and economic policy development in nations no longer held hostage to the Cold War superpowers that dominated global society for decades; and dictated the degree to which other nations conformed to the ideologies of hegemonic states. Works Cited Ali, Abdiweli M. and W. Mark Crain. “Institutional distortions, economic freedom and growth.” Cato Journal 21.3 (2002): 415-426. Print. Craig, Susan L. Chinese perceptions of traditional and non-traditional security threats. Carlisle: Strategic Studies Institute, 2007. Print. Economy Watch. “U.S. and China economic relationship”. 29 June 2010. Web. 8 February 2015. Fallows, James. “The 1.4 trillion question.” The Atlantic. Jan/Feb 2008. Web. 8 February 2015. Friedman, Thomas L. “Standoff in the Gulf: a partial pullout by Iraq is feared as deadline ploy.” The New York Times. 18 December 1990. Web. 7 February 2015. Gaddis, John L. The Cold War: a new history. London: Penguin, 2005. Print. Ibrahim, Youssef M. “Iraq threatens Emirates and Kuwait on oil glut.” The New York Times. 18 July 1990. Web. 9 February 2015. Watson, Bruce W., Bruce George, Peter Psouras and B.L. Cyr. Military lessons of the Gulf War. London: Book Club Associates, 1991. Print. Read More