Russia and China Foreign Policies on Central Asia - Research Paper Example

Russia and China Foreign Policies on Central Asia Introduction Despite the ending of the Cold War, as well as, the breakup of the USSR, it is notable that the course for Central Asia remains core focus in the security and economic profiling of the Peoples Republic of China. The course follows that China entails to gain a continuum in which the internal and external security strategies, which constitute its foreign policy, will evolve to have a notable influence of the independent new republics. Thus, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is emerging as instrument facilitating flexibility in the adaptation of the economic and energy dimensions entailed as key in Central Asia (Zhao, 2013). The interest that China has in Central Asia is not new. The course of the interest in Central Asia entails their concern to extent control over the territory as well as control the territorial security. The sign of interest in this complex advancement is evident from the sustained rhythm of successive visits, since the first tour of Prime Minister Li Peng in 1994. Thus, the guiding thread of China’s foreign policy in relation to Central Asia is essentially to achieve “stability”. Literature review on china foreign policy in central Asia The country of China exists in a political territory that continues to experience restlessness from je frontier zones to the periphery, despite the ending of the Cold War, a course that raises new series of risks. The collapse of the Soviet system and eventual independence of the Central Asian republics marked a remarkable fragmentation of the region in additional to continued autonomisation of the entire region. The effect is that a multitude of opportunities that existed and the stakes entailed for the Peoples Republic of China received a remarkable blow, becoming rather complicated (Lanteigne, 2009). The course is that the movement towards achieving the foreign policy compromises is yet far from conclusions. Another concept entailed in the foreign policy regarding Central Asia is the end of the communism practice in 1989 I the USSR, which in effect granted the republics in the Central Asia region greater liberty (Lanteigne, 2009). Moreover, this development unfortunately coincided with the resurgence of the democratic calls entailed in Beijing, which marked a beginning of a period of agitation in China and the larger region. Notably, the disappearance of the Soviet threat in the region from the end of the Cold War marked the beginning of bilateral relations of the dimensions between China and Central Asia. The course in the 1990s, seemed to take a positive direction as China sought to weave developmental exchanges in the region, which would mark establishment of economic relations and consequently, stability in security and political frontiers (Johnston, 2006). The course engaged entailed the realization of the ‘new Silk Road” which would mark the construction of the stretch from YiliYining to Kazakhstan. Through the reestablishment of this construction in 1997, Chinese government essentially reinforced its control in the region, particularly over the cross-frontier exchanges in Central Asia. Further, the recent emergence of the inclusion of external dimensions in Central Asia region such including the role of NATO and United States seems to aggravate the course for establishing stronger and stringent foreign policy by China in the Central Asia region. The global dimension is a consideration with multitude of risks for China, as the course is raising higher ambitions and asserting the self-confidence of Russia, towards taking action in the limited control of Central Asia (Johnston, 2006). The complication in the stakes entailed in this development mark a course for further engagements between the interested parties in the control of the Central Asia region. Further, the aspect of internal stability entailed in the Peoples Republic of China is another element in the establishment of primary policy towards Central Asia. In the course of establishing security and stability is the main factor determinant of Chinas foreign policy towards Central Asia. The key entities entailed in this entity of the policy include aspects of economic development as well as the political control of Central Asia. The integrated region followed several campaigns as established in 1996 and launched accordingly, targeted at Xinjiang towards translating the repression in the region and benefiting from the economic growth of the region (Malcolm & Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1996). The campaigns launched in 1996, called “hit hard” campaigns, became the object of disaffection from a major share of the Central Asian republics, as they resulted in multiple social tensions in the region (Robinson, 1997). Consequently, the foreign policy approaches of China received a considerable blow from these developments, resulting in a need for change of tactics in establishing foreign policy. The objective to establish territorial control in the productions of the region, particularly the units entrusted in trade and agricultural land, caused the frontiers feel marginalized, contrasting the course of the communes as characterized in the mid 1980s (Zhao, 2013). The emphasis over the control and re-materialization of the various entities constituting the frontier republics further stretched the marginalization entailed in the region. The strategy in establishing the control over the course of the periphery constituents entailed the control over the borders. Notably, China realized stability would in effect result from the establishment of successful border control policy to secure the emerging China as a superpower. The challenge entailed the resurgence of the pacifist rise of the Asian republic territories, which became a principle challenge to Chinas foreign policy establishment (Zhao, 2013). The established concept of security intended to promote and establish mutual trust, benefits, and coordination would establish binding relations among China and the Central Asian region congregants, establishing multilateralism among the regions. Thus, in relation to this concern over Central Asia, the strategy of the border mobilization is translating to the concerns over the course of resolving the frontier questions inherited from the Soviet Union era. The course is that Beijing is falling out of favor to the new Central Asian republics, weakening its foundations in the region. The fight against the three evils represented in terror, extremism and separatism, the security concept is a matter of concern for the committed Peoples Republic of China (Zhao, 2013). China remains committed to the ideology entailed in active cooperation towards repression and repatriation of the separatists as they affect the region. China maintains its course to achieve its control over the Central Asia region, consequently benefiting from the resources that would be under its control (Zhao, 2013). The course reflects that Chinas foreign policy commits towards benefiting from the established resources in the region. However, it is notable that Russia will also offer a course of under dreamed opportunity to expand the zone of influence, as China seeks to remain a benevolent of the Central Asian region. Comparison: Russia versus china foreign policies on central Asia The course of engagement between Russia and Central Asia regions currently entails the recent break of the USSR into the constituent independent republics. The gradual withdraw of the external operations such as NATO among others in the region also necessitates the involvement of Russia in Central Asia in both bilateral and multilateral cooperation entities (Sutter, 2012). The Russian foreign policy regarding Central Asia entails the objectives to influence the counterbalance of other actors such as China in all spheres entailing the region. Russia in engaging the region will achieve immediate implication in the control of raw materials and steady supplies. Further, the unrestricted natural resources, including crude oil and natural gas are another component features in the engagement of the Russian foreign policy with respect to Central Asia. Further, Russia in its foreign policy also entails seeking the Central Asian countries in a participative cooperation to join the multilateral institutions that Russia dominates accordingly. Notably, in comparison of China and Russia in their entailed participation in the course for foreign policy and control in Central Asia, their objectives remain evidently similar. The pursuit of both territories is as any other superpower, which entails to gain and retain territorial dominance and strategic positing that facilitates favors towards the superpower (Sutter, 2012). The question with respect to Russia is more to sustain prestige over the region, and not lose control as its position in influencing the sphere. This is a notable difference compared to the pursuit entailed in Chinas foreign policy. The Russian goals over the region are contrary to the position China pursues towards the Central Asia region. Both China and Russia pursue Central Asia from its economic potential, which in effect helps in strengthening the individual growth of the countries, while weakening the position of other actors in the integration process (Lanteigne, 2009). The involvement of Russia in the region for economic strength entails the notable elements of oil and gas, which are the primary resources of Russia. The economic space proves rather objective for Russia as the CIS countries signed the Free Trade Agreement in 1994, facilitating the trade course for Russia as it pursues dominance in the region, as well as, the active participation in the regional politics considering he recent break of the USSR and independent establishment of the various states. Further, in view of the approaches to foreign policy as China and Russia project towards the dynamic engagements in the Central Asian region, the course of the two countries is similar. In their archival participation in matters of growth and perception of the multilateral diplomacy, China remains at fore front compared to Russia, which in effect gives the involvement of the concerned parties towards the policy as established (Jonson, 2004). The diplomatic procedures pursued by China and Russia in this course, particularly in the wake of the Treaty on Security in the region, the course is a stable region in which the superpower countries have notable influence over the region (Hunter, 2010). Further, Russia has a notable commitment towards working with the members of the region in a creative manner, leading to establishment of constructive cooperation, which expresses mutual interests from the principle nations towards the benefits of a regional control and influence. The Chinese perception towards Russia and its foreign policy particularly with the advancing conceptualization of Putni’s administration in the relations towards Central Asia remains a core course for objective analysis (Mankoff, 2011). China in its consistencies in promoting multipolarity also pursues maintenance of checks and balances in the various leadership approaches entailed in the region. In the past decade, the restraints as anticipated of Russia with regard to the Sino-Russian relations remains a course for the expanding economic ties. The eventual conceptualization of the increasing wealth of Russia and the authoritarian orientation engaged in the recent policy formulations is a factor of establishment of the foreign policies accordingly (Mankoff, 2013). Therefore, in engaging the contest for the control of the central region, the effective approaches of each country remain notable in giving the nation a competitive advantage in control of Central Asia. Strengths and weakness of each countries approach Further, since the tumultuous crisis experienced in Russia in recent years, the course is naturally entails that the future also offers a modicum of calming of tensions. Russia in engaging the various countries in the region, it engages accordingly the participation of some of the former members of the USSR which marks a concern over the ethnic, economic and political stances as well as, religious factors that influence the combination of the aspirations for the region (Mankoff, 2011). Therefore, following these observations, the internal regulations of Russia in the strife towards control and sustenance of prominent dominance in the region, Russia is a disadvantage. This serves as a weakness in the element entailed in the precedent phases for establishing an inclination of the Central Asia region towards preference for Russian policies. Further, Russia is notably a hard lined country whose strategies entail taking strict stances in cases of conflict instead of engaging a relatively calm and less confrontational means. However, in reflection of historical foreign policy formulations regarding Russia and its relation to the Central Asia region, the country may remain at a disadvantage. However, the significant aspect of Russia, which gives it strength, is the state of wealth and resources, particularly oil and gas, which cause the region to remain remarkably reliant on the Russian facilitations of infrastructure (Hunter, 2010). The geopolitics entailed in the region present a confrontational existence between Russia and particulate entities such as Ukraine among others, which is proving notably costly to the Russian approaches and international policy on foreign relations. The push for consensus with relation to international policy is a defining factor of strength towards the response to the deepening economic challenges. The Russian policy should seek to establish diplomatic settlement of crisis, which intractably will allow the dissipation of the risks entailed in pursuing a military solution as its hard stances of foreign policies define (Mankoff, 2011). Thus, in these concepts, this constitutes a core formulation of strong foreign policies that could result in political destabilization of the region. The course for China in creating foreign policy towards Central Asia entails an establishment of bilateral and multinational treaties for trade. Notably, China stands to gain accordingly in gaining control of the territory, considering its trade engagements within the region (Roy, 2008). Consequently, China holds a notable strength in that in recent years, it has held favor in foreign policies constructed towards the relations in Central Asia. Notably, China’s foreign policy as Xi Jinping shows reflects a mixed intention as his country seeks to constrain the normalizing relations with the neighboring countries. Notably, a strength that China holds is its economic stability, which it could use accordingly to gain control of the region. Notably China offering to rescue the economy of many of the Central Asian countries will notably give it favor in implementing the various policies as it proposes (Roy, 2008). Further, traditionally, China is a diplomatic nation, approaching issues in the region accordingly. Thus, in its course of policies towards stability, both politically and economically, reflects a core strength, which in effect gives the country success towards the implementation of the foreign policies. Conclusion The course reflects accordingly as China continues its intensification of policies towards constructing relations that reflect the success of China in the Central Asia region. The establishment of energy constructions in the region remains of key concern as each element of the foreign engagements remains under stringent observance. Russia continues in engaging accordingly towards encouraging the Central Asian countries to cooperate with its establishments, which will give it success in employing the foreign policies accordingly. However, the comparison of the structures and strategies laid by China and Russia remain flexible to adopting proposal of changes in managing the foreign policies towards Central Asia. References Hunter, S. (2010). Irans foreign policy in the post-Soviet era: Resisting the new international order. Santa Barbara, Calif: Praeger. Johnston, A. I. (2006). New directions in the study of Chinas foreign policy. Stanford, Calif: Stanford Univ. Press. Jonson, L. (2004). Vladimir Putin and Central Asia: The shaping of Russian foreign policy. London: I.B. Tauris. Lanteigne, M. (2009). Chinese foreign policy: An introduction. London: Routledge. 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