The Commonness of Guns in the United States of America - Essay Example

The commonness of guns in the United States of America and their subsequent use in committing crimes has made gun control a much contentious and discussed issue. According to estimates, there are between 200 and 250 million firearms in the hands of Americans today, and of these, more than a third are short guns. According to researchers in the field, the rate of homicide in America is approximately six times higher than that of other economically developed countries. The figure varies from year to year, but the Federal Bureau of Investigation reiterates that guns are the cause for more than 70 percent of homicides in the country (Bruce-Briggs 38). In 2000 for instance, more than 52 percent of the recorded homicides were committed using handguns, and another 19 percent using other guns. This argumentative essay reiterates that the US government should enact gun control legislation to control the increasing rates of crime in the country. In the debate over gun control, an important distinction is that of gun crime and gun violence. In many cases, these categories often overlap. For instance, in 1988, there were about twelve thousand gun homicides. However, homicide is both criminal and violent, thus the label ‘violent crime’. Nonetheless, not all gun crimes can be considered violent crimes: for instance, in an armed robbery where an individual is hurt are criminal but not violent. Further complicating the issue is the fact that violent crimes have better documentation, and thus perceived more widely, than nonviolent crimes. This occurs because law enforcement authorities, thus the better investigation and documentation, more seriously investigate violent crimes, especially homicide. On the contrary, reliable and clear information concerning the number of guns crimes without shooting is relatively difficult to obtain (Vizzard 67). In addition, not all gun violence emanates from criminals. In 1988 for instance, there were more than 17,000 cases of gun suicide in the country. Indeed, suicide is a violent act, but it is certainly not a class of criminal activity to may people. Also recorded were more than eight hundred accidental, but fatal shootings in eth same year, another type of gun violence that does occur to majority people as an instance of gun crime. In essence, gun violence is a somewhat broader term than gun crime as it encompasses both gun homicides and accidental shootings and gun suicides. It is important noting that most people think of gun homicides to gun crime, and that they do not consider accidental shooting and gun suicides as a form of crime (Kleck and Britt 251). Enthusiasts on both sides of the gun control debate sometimes tend to blur the difference between noncriminal and criminal gun violence to advance their personal agendas, often using statistics on gun violence to emphasize the negative effects of gun crimes. Rather than using statistics on gun crime, antigun activists in most cases use statistics on gun violence to convince people on the necessity of gun control legislations. According to Brady Campaign against gun violence, their literature indicates that 30,708 Americans citizens died from gunfire in 1988 alone. The stated figure is accurate, but it combines both statistics on gun suicide, gun homicide, and accidental shootings. Consequently, it may potentially mislead people about the effects of gun crimes, as more than half of figure labeled as ‘dead from gunfire’ were either victims of accidental shooting or committed suicide. On the other hand, opponents of gun control may employ ominous data on gun violence to persuade people that guns are important for self-defense against gun-toting criminals. In this regard therefore, people convinced by this perception would most likely oppose any suggestion to enact gun control laws. For instance, pro-gun advocates argue that women should carry guns for self-defense. Subsequently, they may refer to the number of women killed by guns but overlook the fact that those deaths were either suicides or that most of the sexual assault and rape victims do not encounter armed criminals with guns (Vizzard 76). While commentators can use statistics on gun violence and crime mislead or confuse the public, the numbers are very important to eth gun control debate. Advocates on both sides argue on how often people use guns for self-defense as compared to how often they use them for committing crimes. The most significant tenet of the gun control movement in America is that restricting the access to guns would significantly reduce crime rates. Of course, this particular stance has faced consistent challenge from pro-gun advocates. Organizations such as the National Rifle Association reiterate that guns are the most effective means of personal defense against criminals. According to them, gun ownership deters crime rather than cause it. According to an expert in the field, the use of guns against violent burglars and criminals by private citizens accounts for the most consequential effects for criminals than legal actions like incarceration or arrest (Bruce-Briggs 42). The commentator argues that there are more than 2.55 million cases of defensive use of guns in America. Despite their critical, and sometimes bitter debate, both advocates of gun control agree on the fact that criminals must not own guns, but the sides disagree on how or if the goal is achievable. Comparing the high rate of gun homicide in America compared to other developed nations, advocates of gun control turn to the gun control models of these countries to design their policy. According to Professor Carter, a social scientist, most developed nations have strict national laws on guns. According to the professor, these countries stipulate that guns must have registration, owners must have licenses, and that owners must ensure utmost security in transportation and storage of guns. In America however, such laws came into play only recently in 1993 with the Brady Law, which merely instituted for background screening in efforts to identify ineligible gun purchasers (Kleck and Britt 267). The law has faced critical criticism from both divides of eth debate. For instance, gun control advocates argue that the Brady check system is very permissible as compared to the Canadian or eth European systems as far as eligibility is concerned. They further argue that there is need for a future legislation that closes the numerous loopholes in the Bray Law that assist criminals to purchase guns. The most eminent loophole is the famous ‘gun show loophole’, which allows private, unlicensed gun seller to overlook the check system. On the other hand, organization such as the NRA argues that the Brady Law has fundamental flaws. According to the organization, it is incorrect to compare the US with other developed nations as the country already has so many guns in circulation (Bruce-Briggs 43). In this regard therefore, instituting a check system at such a late stage is practically lees significant, as the law only affects distribution of new guns. Consequently, closing the ‘gun show loophole’ using further legislation will have little effect as criminals have access to the millions of guns already in the black market. Both divides present strong and valid arguments, and the enactment of the Brady Law gives room for some compromise. However, the effects of easy access to guns in the public outweighs the importance of self-defense in the long run, as more guns in public circulation may result to more crime. It then follows that the federal government needs to institute legislation concerning gun control (Vizzard 102). This might possibly bring their continued endeavor to solve this problem to an end. Despite this, it is important to understand that it needs devotions and individual understanding of the positive outcome. Works Cited Bruce-Briggs, Barry. 2002. "The Great American Gun War." The Public Interest 45:37-62. Kleck, Gary and Britt, Patterson. 2004. "The Impact of Gun Control and Gun Ownership Levels on Violence Rates." Journal of Quantitative Criminology 9:249-88. Vizzard, William J. 2000. Shots in the Dark: The Policy, Politics, and Symbolism of Gun Control. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Read More