If the perceptions of parents and children are dissonant and based on lived historical experience or current realities, then their ability to manage the stresses of forced migration will be diminished even further. If the perceptions of each generation can be made more congruent, then it is likely that both parents and their children will see each other as resources rather than as additional stressors.
To understand this problem, Asian parenting styles and characteristics need to be studied. Warmth and dominating control offer two important dimensions of parental style that may be universal, and against which the meaning of specific practices might be elucidated. The use of these styles as touchstones was an important strategy which can be used in understanding data from new western cultures.
Immigration of Asian families to Western Societies usually involves major changes in parent-child relationships. The results of some studies have shown that the relations between immigrant parents and their children are vulnerable to the risks commonly associated with immigration, especially during the adolescent years (Nguyen & Williams, 1988). On the one hand, during adolescence, children become more cognitively sophisticated and think differently about what their parents can and cannot control in their lives. This developmental shift is compounded by the process of acculturation for immigrant adolescents, making them more likely to downplay their parents' values and modes of behavior and adopt values and modes of behavior from the new society.
Immigrant parents, on the other hand, may resist change in their traditional values. Some scholars suggest that despite years of living in the country of resettlement, many immigrant parents preserve their ideas about child-rearing, their expectations, norms, rules, and beliefs (Nguyen & Williams, 1988).
The research findings suggest that family values that center around household chores, family obligations, and family roles in particular remain stable regardless of the length of resettlement. For adolescents, however, the length of time in the new country can have a significant impact on their acceptance of traditional family values (Nguyen & Williams, 1988).
If Southeast Asian immigrant adolescents shift values and attitudes toward the host country and Southeast Asian parents resist change, then one could hypothesize that adolescents' ideas and parents' ideas about what constitutes "good" parents and "good" adolescents will also diverge. In the present research, the extent to which immigrant Southeast Asian parents and adolescents agree on what it means to be a good parent and a good adolescent has been explored. American definitions of what constitutes a good parent have been well documented in the literature (Magen, 1994; Raina, Kumar, & Raina, 1980). Studies on White, middle-class families in the United States have consistently shown that good parents create a welcoming emotional climate for their children, and they tend to be warm, responsive, affectionate, involved, and firm. Usually it is believed that good parents practice behaviors that promote independence and autonomy in children. Good parents endorse practices that emphasize control over children's behavior, a democratic disciplinary style, and