Religious Discrimination towards British Muslims and Current Trends in Education and Employment - Essay Example

The effects of terrorism - Religious discrimination towards British Muslims and current trends in education and employment Introduction & Backgroundinfo Islamophobia, coined in the 20th Century, is defined as the unreasonable fear and hostility towards all things connected with Islam and therefore, Muslims. The fact that Muslims identify themselves more by their religion than their race make them different from most social groups and therefore, open to some suspicion. While the term is recent, Islamophobia as a social phenomenon has been around for much longer, where the Muslims are considered as oppressors and infidels. The Muslim population is a cross-section of diverse races and cultures and can hardly be considered a homogenous group apart from their religious practices. (Greater London Authority 2006) Source: http://www.insted.co.uk/islambook.pdf Records from the 17th Century show that Muslims had settled in the British community and had engaged in commerce i.e. coffee trading as well as scholarship and diplomacy. The Muslim population in the UK according to the Office of National Statistics (ONS) as of 2001 was in excess of 1.5 million and it is a young population, more than half between the ages of 0 to 24 years of age, which emphasizes the need for provisions in education and employment. Forty percent of the UK Muslim population, 600,000 as of 2001, live in London, the largest population in any European city. (Greater London Authority 2006) Given these statistics, discrimination against British Muslims makes it a British problem more than any other European country. The Runnymede Trust recognized this in the early 1990s when the parallelisms between the discrimination against Jews and Muslims were pointed out and a commission was formed to study the problem. It was found that anti-Muslim sentiments in the UK manifested itself into verbal and physical attacks on individuals, desecration of holy edifices, negative stereotyping in the media and by political leaders, inadequacy of bureaucratic response to social service needs such as education and healthcare, disproportionate social exclusion, discrimination in employment, lack of legislation protecting Muslims against religious hate crimes and curtailment of civil liberties that peculiarly affect Muslims. (Stone 2004) Dr Anja Rudiger of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC) states that in their work against racial discrimination, the hostility towards Muslims in the European Community is a serious matter. She finds that Islamophobia is something the European Muslims encounter in their daily lives, not only as a result of negative media nor a climate of suspicion in a climate of political tension. Religious identity has surpassed the notion of skin colour as a basis for discrimination. (Address at the St. Antony's-Princeton Conference on Muslims in Europe Post 9/11 "Discrimination and Legislation" 2003) King's College's Maleiha Malik states that the impact of the September 11, 2001 bombing of the World Trade Center (9/11) was to reinforce the perception of the Muslim association with terrorism. She concedes that in light of recent events the public clamour for more acute policing of the Muslim community is based on reasonable grounds but is nevertheless a gross trespass on human rights. The deleterious effects of such blatant discrimination towards such a large community would have serious social consequences not only on the Muslim community but on the entire British population as well. (Address at the St. Antony's-Princeton Conference on Muslims in Europe Post 9/11 "Discrimination and Legislation" 2003) Given this set of circumstances in which British Muslims find themselves, it is the interest of this paper to investigate the matters of education, employment and social situation of Muslims living in the UK post 9/11. Religious discrimination in education The unsatisfactory level of educational achievement among young British Muslims has led to an inquiry that would identify the factors that led to this state of things. The report showed that 45% of ethnic Bangladeshi and 40% ethnic Pakistani students achieved A*-C passes in the summer of 2001 compared to the 51% national average. There was also a significant difference in achievement based on gender across communities, i.e. Pakistani males at 34%, females 48%. (Stone 2004) A survey by the North London Muslim Housing Association of Muslim students in the UK mainstream educational system revealed the reason for this lack of achievement when 32% of the subjects attributed poor performance to poor teacher attitudes towards Muslims and lack of encouragement for students having difficulties. The Federation of Students Islamic Societies in UK and Ireland revealed that Muslim students in universities suffered from verbal and physical abuse as well as social alienation. (Greater London Authority 2006) Source: http://monitoring-group.co.uk/News%20and%20Campaigns/research%20material/religiously%20motivated%20crime/muslims-in-london.pdf State-funded Muslim schools were started in 1998 and to date, there are five: Islamia Primary School in Brent, London; Al Furqan primary in Birmingham; Feversham College in Bradford; Al Hijrah secondary school in Birmingham; and Al-Risaala school in Balham. There are plans to establish the a school in Leicester. However, of the 750,000 Muslim children in the UK, only about 1% attend Muslim schools 0.5% attend non-Muslim private schools. The remaining students attend mainstream public schools where incidents of discrimination occur most frequently (Stone 2004) Poor academic performance essentially leads to barriers to gainful and satisfactory employment after graduation. (Stone 2004) Religious Discrimination in employment Employment is a particularly revealing platform for the manifestation of discrimination. From job applications to dress codes to paid leaves, the Muslim community is likely to find themselves at odds with the rest of the population because of the dictates of its traditions. Objectively, company policies could inadvertently discriminate not only against Muslims but other religious groups as well. One obvious example is that of holidays i.e. Ramadan and Christmas. Subjectively, discrimination can occur in the workplace, in the question of pay scale, or dress code. An ONS (2004) survey showed that Muslims were the religious grouping that exhibits the highest employment rate in the UK, 14% among males and 15% among females, as compared to 4% for both Christian male and females. In age grouping, Muslims aged 16 to 24 compared unfavourably with Christians in the same age group at 22% versus 11%. Older Muslims (aged 25-34) garnered unemployment of 14%, Christians 4%. As an experiment, resumes with recognizably White, Black African and Muslim names were sent to 50 companies chosen at random, and revealed that Muslim applicants were least likely to be called in for an interview. Even if those Muslims who are unemployed find employment, studies suggest that they will still encounter discrimination in the workplace. (Ameli, Elahi, and Merali 2004) The 2001 ONS Census shows that British Muslims are 42% Pakistani, 17% Bangladeshi and 8.5% Indian. (Gilbert 2004) In 2003 the Cabinet Office further revealed that British citizens of Pakistani, Bangladeshi and African-Caribbean lineage have lower employment rates, lower earnings and slower rates of promotion compared to the general population. The report did not distinguish those who are Muslims but it may be inferred that at least a significant number are considering the general make-up of the British Muslim population. (Stone 2004) A report from social organizations revealed that Muslim organizations are more likely to report frequent instances of discrimination than Sikh or Hindu organisations. (Weller, Feldman, and Purdam 2001) British Muslims experience other barriers to employment aside from religious discrimination in the workplace, such as lack of affordable childcare, inadequate skills training and education, and travel and housing issues. (Greater London Authority 2006) Unemployment rates: by religion and sex, 2004, Great Britain Source: http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.aspid=979 The Islamist militant faction has unfortunately reinforced the image of Muslims as a malevolent group and the reluctance of employers to elevate otherwise deserving workers to less menial, better paying positions. It has also retarded the progress of the Muslim religion in gaining cultural importance and recognition in European states. (Stone 2004) Institutions are more likely to perpetrate religious discrimination in employment because it is difficult to pinpoint responsibility for any particular discriminatory act. Institutional racism cloaks discriminatory attitudes under the guise of company policy which is very difficult to prove. Former High Court judge Sir William Macpherson, who headed the inquiry into the Stephen Lawrence which eventually led to major changes in the race relations legislation, defines institutional racism as "the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their skin colour, culture or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people." (Gilbert 2004; Johnston, Steele, and Jones 1999) While Macpherson is taking of racial discrimination, which led to the death of 18-year-old Stephen Lawrence, the definition is a good fit for religious discrimination Muslims are experiencing in the UK. Some speakers of the House of Lords, during a 2001 proposal to legislate against incitement to religious hatred, argued that issue of religion is outside the scope of the issue because the focus was not on affiliation. Race is not a matter of choice, but religion is, making them wholly different concepts. It is their position that freedom of religion is absolute. (Stone 2004) British Muslims experience the "Muslim penalty," described by the EUMC as a combination of negative stereotypes, ignorance, fear and hatred that serves as a barrier to the labour market. Religious discrimination is more likely to occur in the private sector and is apparent more in practice than in policy. Practices commonly labelled as discriminatory involve dress codes, religious holidays, career progression and sensitivity to religious customs and traditions. (Greater London Authority 2006) Article 13 of European Union Treaty entitled The European Directive of 2000/78/EC 27 November 2000 incorporated into British legislation known as The Employment Equality (Religion or Belief) Regulations 2003 (The Regulations). The law mandated a new set of regulations that prohibited religious discrimination in the workplace and in training. The draft for the Regulations was prepared by the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service in 2003. (Stone 2004) Employment choices According to the results of the ONS Annual Population Survey for 2004 in Great Britain, 20% of the British Muslim population are self-employed, compared to 33% of Jewish people. Of employed Muslim men, 37% were in the distribution, hotel and restaurant industry while Muslim women are at 25%. Fourteen percent of Muslim men work in transport and communications, as compared to 10% for other religious groups except Sikhs. In manufacturing, only 10% of Muslim women are employed. In terms of positions, only 30% of Muslim men are likely to be placed in a managerial capacity, and 10% work as drivers either in a taxi or as a chauffeur, proportionately much higher than any other group. Muslim workers are most likely to be placed in low skilled occupations such as process, plant and machine operations and elementary work. Self-employed as a percentage of all in employment: by religion, 2004, Great Britain Source: http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.aspid=964 Female Muslims are less likely to be in managerial or professional positions and most likely to work in sales and customer service (approximately 20%). People in employment in managerial and professional occupations: by religion and sex, 2004, Great Britain Source: http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.aspid=964 Factors that influence religious discrimination With the fact that Muslims as a group are already considered different by the mainstream community, other factors serve to reinforce the reluctance for assimilation. One is that a high proportion of refugees and immigrants are Muslims. In fact, the media have been negatively portraying refugees as interchangeable with Muslims. Another factor is the lack of a public voice of the Muslim community in the UK to counter such negative portrayals. Also, the perceived anti-Muslim foreign policy of the UK, evident in its handling of conflicts concerned with terrorism, in which the UK appears to side with non-Muslim against Muslim entities, promoting the idea that the UK government equates terrorism with Muslims. (Stone 2004) The media also has considerable influence in the propagation of Islamophobia. In a survey of the British population regarding their views and attitudes towards British Muslims, 60% admitted getting their information from newspapers and television while only 15% from first-hand knowledge through interaction with Muslims and in reading scholarly literature. (Greater London Authority 2006) The British media contend with three issues: the threat of terrorism, immigration and the fact that some of the immigrating Muslims are potential terrorists. In efforts to protect the population against "the enemy within", Muslims are portrayed as intent on infiltrating the mainstream population for demonic purposes. (Stone 2004) The distinction between migrant Muslims and second and third generation British Muslims is almost completely blurred. Effects of religious discrimination on society The effect on British society of such propagation of prejudice against Muslims is a deeply serious violation of human rights, potentially demonizing not an individual who may or may not deserve the allegations, but a whole community including children. The potential for social disaster is very real as it affects the daily lives of whole families of otherwise unexceptional, potentially productive members of that same society. (Ameli, Marandi, Ahmed, Kara, and Merali 2007) Source: http://www.ihrc.org.uk/file/1903718317.pdf In the survey, the figures represented the perception of employed British Muslims of incidents of discrimination, if any, in the workplace. The survey revealed that many of the respondents have only a very general idea of what is considered discriminatory. For those who are aware, the years of being treated a certain way and having no public platform in which to air grievances has inured them to any motivation to challenge the status quo, accepting the treatment as normal. As recently as the 1990s, religious discrimination had no personality in social issue discussions, and so the disadvantaged population had no choice but to accept the discrimination. In recent years, especially since 9/11, the issue has become more apparent to the media and politicians. As a result, more Muslims are reporting religious discrimination as more information becomes available about the issue. (Ameli, Elahi, and Merali 2004) Psychotherapist Golshad Ghiaci claimed that, although aware of the prejudice against Arabs, the idea that the general population discriminated against British Muslims became apparent only after 9/11. Muslims are easy targets for hate because they are different, and the fact that society as a result is condemning a whole minority group out of hand seemed to be considered incidental by what should be concerned organisations, such as the government. (Stone 2004) Solicitor Rashad Yaqoob agrees that the UK government has been ineffective in protecting its Muslim citizens from the effects of Islamophobia, especially since 9/11. He maintains that the Antiterrorism, Crime and Security Act of 2001, the UK's reaction to 9/11, merely exacerbated the plight of British Muslims by authorizing the broadened stop and search powers of police which target, reasonably enough, Muslim subjects. However, reports of unreasonable harassment by local authorities have brought many Muslims to anger and despair. Yaqoob himself has numerous clients incarcerated for no other reason than that they are Muslim. (Stone 2004, Greater London Authority 2006) The London bombings in July 2005 have not helped in improving the Muslim situation; in fact, the backlash is much more personal because it occurred within the UK. An increase of 500% of religious hate crime has been reported by the Muslim Safety Forum between 7 July and 31 July 2005, at 256 incidents across all faith groups as compared to 40 incidents in the same period in 2004. The EUMC state that Muslims have changed their patterns of daily living to avoid becoming victims of such incidents. (Greater London Authority 2006) Manzila Pola Uddin, Labour politician and first Muslim woman in the House of Lords stated that despite efforts by the Prime Minister to emphasize that the general Muslim population is not the target for the war on terrorism, the attacks against Iraq has given the lie to these efforts. The UK government is perceived as catering to the neo conservatives of the US in the backlash of 9/11, implicating all Muslims in the incident by recent anti-terrorism laws. She says "Each of us is constantly being asked to apologise for the acts of terror that befall the world." MCB chair Sadiq Khan agrees that anti-terrorism laws only serve to intensify the climate of fear and hostility towards Muslims, and has led to the internment of British Muslim men, seizing of funds of established charities and stifling of charitable donations by Muslims for fear of bring accused of backing terrorists. (Stone 2004) Some Muslims look at the brighter side of things. Publisher Mohammed Umar observed that Muslims are a multi-racial, multicultural group with no common ground aside from religion. The hostility directed to the Muslims as a group has fostered common feeling among otherwise divergent groups, providing a link of empathy across cultures, and promoting a sense of brotherhood. However, for young British Muslims who are growing up in an insecure world among openly hostile neighbours, the situation carries serious consequences. (Stone 2004) The role of the UK government Malik contends that a liberal state, in formulating policies to prevent alienation of any minority group of its citizenry, must engage in dialogue not only with the group in question but also with the majority community. In the case of the Muslim community in the UK, the process must be give-and-take. Just as Muslim advocates demand accommodation of their needs, so can the majority community demand a similar degree of willingness to adjust to the values inherent in the constitution of the government and the individuals that constitute the citizenry insofar as it will not contradict the edicts of Islam. Islamic scholars such as Professor Hashim Kamali believe Islam provides for such accommodation, in contrast with the militant stance of commentators such as Abu Hamza who seek to increase religious dissension. It is unfortunate that Abu Hamza, whose standing as an Islamic scholar is non-existent, enjoys far greater public exposure rather than Professor Kamali. (Address at the St. Antony's-Princeton Conference on Muslims in Europe Post 9/11 "Discrimination and Legislation" 2003) With reference to religious discrimination in the workplace, such accommodations are already in place, due largely to the Regulations that called for 'reasonable adjustment' and 'reasonable accommodation' in all employment scenarios with respect to religion. (Stone 2004) Such accommodations include: paid leave for festivals and holy days; time off for worship and facilities for prayer at the workplace; uniform and dress codes; menus and procedures in staff canteens; visual environment; and norms of occupational culture. (Stone 2004) Summarily, the Regulations prohibit direct discrimination, which is the less favourable treatment of a worker because of religion or belief; application of a provision or requirement of employment without justification of a legitimate aim that is prejudicial to a religion or belief or indirect discrimination; harassment or the creation of a hostile work environment to a person of a certain religion or belief; and victimisation as retribution for actions in accordance with the provisions of the Regulations detrimental to the employer. (Rowley Ashworth Solicitors 2006) However, the Regulations leave much to be desired regarding the explicitness of the definition of religion, leaving it open to interpretation. (Anderson and Campbell 2007) While the Regulations legislated against religious discrimination in employment or vocational training, the Equality Act of 2006 further mandated the obligation of employers to facilitate the performance of religious obligations by providing for goods, education and premises. It also includes mandated compliance of institutes of further and higher education, employment agencies, vocational training providers, qualification organizations, trade organizations and unions, and legal or advocacy firms that accept pupils or partners to the edicts of the Regulations. However, employers may use religion as a criterion for a job, i.e. Jewish even if it is not a determining factor for the work involved so long as there is no specific religion indicated as excluded, i.e. no Muslims. Such employers are exempted from the provisions of the Regulations. (Bargain Support Group 2006) The joint project 'Preventing Extremism Together' (PET) was established in 2006 in an effort to promote cohesion and integration of Muslims in the UK. It was mandated to focus on education, the Muslim youth, women issues, training of imams and the role of mosques in the community, security issues and police relations, and lastly extremism and radicalization. However, the findings of PET are criticized for having inadequate consultation with essential sectors of the Muslim community. The efforts of government to tackle the problems of extremism and radicalization are considered to be reactive rather than proactive, and fail to take into account the effect of UK foreign policy which serves to alienate the community it is trying to integrate. The UK policy for Iraq and Afghanistan can only strengthen the perception that whatever initiatives the government implements with regards to the Muslim community is merely thinly-veiled state intervention and policing of a dangerous community in anticipation of future military engagements. (Brighton, 2007) Advocacy groups There are numerous groups that serve as watchdogs and advocates for the British Muslim population. They include the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), Al Khoei Foundation, Islamic Foundation An-Nisa Society, British Muslim Research Centre, Islamic Society of Britain, Islamic Human Rights Commission, IQRA Trust, Ismaili Centre, Muslim Association of Britain, Forum Against Islamophobia and Racism, and Muslim Parliament. Perhaps the best recognised and most active organisation is the MCB, established in late 1997. Among the many accomplishments of these organisations in their battle against Islamophobia at the national, regional and local level include significant legislative, judicial, social and financial victories. Changes in employment law now specifically protects Muslims in the workplace from discrimination; religious hate crimes against Muslims carry stiffer sentences; hospitals and prisons are provided with Muslim chaplains; Muslim schools created within the state education system; inter-faith activity at the community level is advocated as well as neighbourhood renewal programmes; improvement in the delivery of social services geared towards the needs of the Muslim community; accommodation in the financial services sector which caters to the requirements of the Islamic faith. (Stone 2004; Greater London Authority 2006) Corporate policies that prevent religious discrimination In April 2006 the Code of Practice on Racial Equality in Employment was launched, which necessitated a proactive attitude for employers. The code specified the implementation of an equal opportunities action plan which would serve as an information platform for employers and employees regarding company policies that directly or indirectly affect workers in their religious pursuits. The plan is designed to ensure that employees understand what company policies are and how implementation will be undertaken. The use of such a plan will protect employers when claims are made against them because the workers would then be better informed. The plan should include information on laws regarding discrimination and harassment, detailed description of acceptable behaviour in the workplace, workers' responsibilities in maintaining a workplace free of discrimination, the effects of a hostile work environment for all workers concerned, and policies for promotion and. The employer must then ensure that workers follow company rules and regulations and that management complies with established worker performance rating. Thus the responsibility for maintaining and promoting an ideal working environment is shared by both employer and employee and frees the employer from any liability if any incident occurs. (Thorogood Professional Insights) A study by Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development and management consultants KPMG investigated the extent to which employers actually took the proactive plan to heart with regards to issues of religion. The study of more than 1,350 organisations showed that overall about 30% of employers had a detailed policy for handling religious beliefs in the workplace, although only 10% of employers prohibit the wearing of jewellery or dress with religious significance in the workplace for health and safety reasons. In the public sector, more than half, approximately 55%, of employers had developed extensive policies for managing religious issues in the workplace compared to 30% in the private sector. The voluntary sector scored 31% in this area while manufacturing and production companies where the least proactive at 17%. However, only 1% have had to face charges of religious discrimination before a employment tribunal. (Taylor 2007) The study indicates that religious discrimination is taken more seriously by the public sector than the private and voluntary sector, while manufacturing and production companies are probably more concerned with safety issues than social issues. Moreover, more social interaction is necessary in non-manufacturing, which could account for the disparity in religious discrimination policy formulation. In cases where claims are made, the extent to which the company's regulations cover such incidents will determine the success and failure of the claim. In the case of a British Muslim worker fired for taking 25 days paid leave and 12 days unpaid leave to perform hajj, the tribunal found the company guilty of religious discrimination because of their failure to respond to the worker's request for leave. (British Muslim wins hajj discrimination case 2007) Conclusion Terrorism is a particularly cowardly way to express one's convictions or agenda. The unfortunate tendency to equate terrorism and members the Islamic faith has led to the persistent persecution of Muslims all over the world for many decades. The 9/11 and June 2005 bombing has added jet fuel to the fire of religious discrimination against British Muslims to such an extent that the UK government was compelled to legislate against religious discrimination in particular. However, with such deep-seated misgivings on the part of the general British population, reinforced in some part by negative stereotyping and inflammatory contributions by the media, laws can only be effective up to a certain extent. Laws and regulations can only legitimize enforcement, but with the UK foreign policy in Iraq and Afghanistan seeming to contradict attempts at social integration, such laws can have but a superficial effect on protecting the civil rights of a significant population such as that of British Muslims. The media, moreover, promotes the perceived radicalism and violence of Muslims as a given, disregarding any distinctions of race, social status or education. Ignorance of Islam and its belief structure remains a significant factor in these perceptions. In effect, British Muslims suffer under the stigma of "terrorist," a stereotype that cuts across all ages and vocations. The youth are the hardest hit, indoctrinated from an early age that they are second-class citizens and unwelcome in general society. Poor academic performance could be an indication of the insecurity and inferiority Muslim children are made to feel because of their religion, and government intervention is inadequate to significantly eliminate the effects of such prolonged indoctrination. Many are not even aware that they are being discriminated against, so much is it a daily part of their lives. Employment choices continue to be limited for most British Muslims as social services prove inadequate to assist the community in improving their situation, whether in education, housing or healthcare. The efforts of advocacy groups such as the Muslim Council of Britain to promote better conditions and environment for British Muslim have had results but more needs to be done in order to appreciably improve the lot of British Muslims. Legislation designed to facilitate these efforts is a step in the right direction and must be pushed further along. Unless the UK government succeeds in overcoming its insularity and short-sightedness in dealing with terrorism and developing social policies for its Muslim citizenry that can withstand future acts of terrorism within or without, British Muslims are condemned to a hostile-filled and deprived existence. References Ameli, S., Elahi, M., and Merali, A. (2004) Social discrimination: across the Muslim divide Islamic Human Rights Commission. Retrieved 21 February 2007 from http://www.ihrc.org.uk/file/1903718287_content.pdf Ameli, S., Marandi, S., Ahmed, S., Kara, S, and Merali, A. 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