Social Structure and Anomie and Search Of Respect - Term Paper Example

SOCIOLOGY In one page, describe two ways in which Robert Merton’s theory in “Social Structure and Anomie” is similar to Bourgois’ in “In Search of Respect”? According to Merton’s Social Structure and Anomie, malfunctioning of social structure in the society are attributed to man’s constant biological desires and demands that exceed social control or are not restrained properly by the social control. In Search of Respect by Bourgois, the lives of drug dealers are highlighted (Merton 673). Bourgois argues that the urban economic status forces its residents to indulge in drug trafficking to earn a living. According to Bourgois, people do not prefer or enjoy dealing with drugs, but rather they are forced by circumstances to do so (Bourgois 27). Hence, the two authors Merton and Bourgois discuss forceful powers in their works. Merton discusses the biological forces, which forces one into crime and Bourgois discusses the same forces, which forces one to engage in crime so as to satisfy their needs. The second similarity between the two works is that both propose solutions to the forces discussed. According to Merton, social institutions outlining expected social norms should be created in the society to guide the lives of its members. He argues that violation of such norms should be accompanied by appropriate punishments (Merton 676). Bourgois, on the other hand, argues that the solution to the pressing needs of the society is a combination of blaming the system and blaming the victim approaches. If a societal norm is violated, both the system and the victim should bear the blame (Bourgois 34). This is because violation of a societal norm affects everyone involved. A) Why were the residents of Boyle Heights predicted not to resist a prison being put in their neighborhood? Give three or four reasons. First, the parents of Boyle Heights predicted that they would not resist a prison being put in their neighborhood because this was not the first case. The residents had experienced similar cases in the past, which brought them together to look for solutions to the problems experienced in the region like drug abuse (Pardo 475). Second, the residents of Boyle Heights have been positively transformed by activism. The residents did not resist the prison because they knew that this would be an entrance public attention. Moreover, similar cases had initially transformed invisible women to visible public figures (Pardo 475). Third, the residents of Boyle Heights predicted not to resist a prison being put in their neighborhood because they new this would be the new sense of entitlement to speak for the community (Pardo 469). This way, their voices of illustrating personal change would make them core activists. The individual’s unspoken sentiments would be transformed into collective community voice. B) How do the concepts “network” and “identity,” explain how the mothers of East L.A. were able to assert their own social agency in resisting the prison installation in Boyle Heights? Through networking, women of East Los Angeles collectively formed social movements with strong opposition to resist the prison installation in Boyle Heights (Pardo 477). They managed to transform organisational experiences and social networks, which were based on gender related responsibilities to political resources. With the access to political resources, the movement grew stronger and famous. In addition, it stood out as a unique organisation recognised nationally (Pardo 477). The movement grew from an invisible social group to a politically and nationally recognised social group. With political accessibility and the accompanied fame, this group’s complains of resisting the installation of the prison in their community was easily considered and proper steps taken. Compare and contrast Pardo’s analysis of agency with Bourgois’ from In Search of Respect. Pardo analyses the agency from a grassroots’ level. According to her, when social groups at grass root level talk with the same voice and have a common goal to achieve, their power outweigh the powerful forces in towns and cities. Pardo emphasises on networking, identity, and a common vision (Pardo 477). She has demonstrated in her work how a group of women in East Los Angeles networked and worked for a common goal. They were finally transformed from invisible women to visible women; recognised in the public domain. Pardo argues that any community seeking to succeed in echoing its problems or concerns must be united, work on equal terms, and support every members of the agency in accomplishing their common goals (Pardo 477). Resistance and opposition are inevitable in the journey, but members must device ways of overcoming them if they want to accomplish their mission. Bourgois’ “In Search of Respect” has done an ethnographic research concerning crack cocaine usage in different internal and external cities. Bourgois spent several years doing the study about crack trade in the East Harlem Community (Bourgois 67). Through his study, he gained economic, age, gender and ethnic relationships among others, which are confined to official representatives of the society. His study has offered a close observable account of the urban scene. It has provided an attractive account of the barriers faced by crack sellers when working for their daily bread. Both Pardo’s and Bourgois’ works were investigating social problems facing members of the society at grass root level. Whereas Pardo was investigating how residents of Boyle Heights were resisting the installation of a prison next to their neighborhood, Bourgois was investigating drug dealing businesses. Pardo has demonstrated the effectiveness of solving problems at grass root level while Bourgois has demonstrated the effectiveness of solving problems through collective action of the victim and social structures. According to Bourgois, the social structure has to be part of the solution to the problem (Bourgois 72). To explain why Primo, Caesar and others in East Harlem come to deal drugs Bourgois combines a structural analysis with a cultural one. Describe at least three large structural factors that lead to Primo and Caesar dealing drugs? Explain specifically how the structural factors you describe affect Primo and Caesar’s life chances? Bourgois has explained why Primo, Caesar and other characters in his work in East Harlem come to deal with drugs through a combination of a structural analysis and cultural analysis. For instance, Bourgois states that the irony mainstream of society through media, like television and fashion, leads to recuperation and commercialisation of many oppositional street styles that eventually recycles them as pop culture (Bourgois 185). This means that the hegemonic culture sends messages, which are contrary to tolerance and acceptance at the same time it disdains, disapproves and calculates tolerance (Bourgois 191). This statement means that one side accuses the undesirable to be lazy and loathsome members of the society while cultural normative members emulate the undesirable because of the rebellious attitude, which is perceived as an individual’s right of passage. The glorification aids the redeployment of American beliefs and values. Americans have a right to dissent, and this reason why America tolerate underground economy. The tolerated dissent recapitulates racism and stereotypes perceptions of minorities and ethnicity (Bourgois 222). For example the 1970 blaxploitation films depict American-Italian as gangsters through the illustration of redeployment negative imageries of racial and ethic repeated ideas. These attitudes leave the affected individuals hopeless and powerless and subject them to living in fear and subjugation from political correctness (Bourgois 283). Negativity, which sells better than role modeling, tend to trap many through peers just like Primo, Caesar and others in East Harlem who found themselves in drug dealing. Glorification of negative imagery leads to denial by an individual which is micro scale or culture which is macro scale. Bourgois, through his open remarks, foretells his view of the effects of the underground economy’s negative and celebrated imagery (Bourgois 289). These aspects have led to American poverty, which has accorded cognitive dissonance as the hub of the values of hegemonic culture. The three structural factors discussed above end up affecting Primo and Caesar’s life chances in Bourgois’ “In Search of Respect”. According to Bourgois, in what ways do these structural factors interact with cultural ones to determine their lives? Give several (meaning 5 or 6) examples from chapters 1,2,3 and especially 4 to illustrate how Bourgois combines structural and cultural elements in his explanation. You should especially be clear about how the structural elements interact analytically with cultural elements. Why do Primo and Caesar ultimately choose to deal drugs? In other words how does Bourgois integrate agency into his analysis? Bourgois lived in El Barrio for five years studying crack dealing in the region. He tape-recorded various conversations, especially those he had with Primo who was the manager of the crack and Caesar the assistant manager of the house. Through the recordings, structural factors are portrayed to interact with cultural factors to determine the lives of the crack dealers (Bourgois 45). For instance, Primo and Caesar were fired from their jobs at the entry level sector and treated to avenge by returning to the street world as an echo of resistance and free will. The structural factor of employment interacted with the cultural demands of the body like food and clothing, which forced Caesar, Primo and other drug dealers into the business. The crack dealers refused to be exploited in the legal market; hence, pushed into crack economy and substance abuse (Bourgois 61). Another structural factor is the poor payment in the employment sector. Primo complains that he was employed as a security guard with poor payment. He could let the robbers steal anything from the premises because he was not pleased with the payment. He finally settled on crack dealing because he considered it fairer as compared to security guarding where he was paid once a week (Bourgois 82). The cultural factor of poor payments and salaries combines with the poor working conditions to bring about crack dealing. Primo complains that he worked as a security guard at night and all he was given was a stick on his hand. This incidence endangered the life of Primo yet he could be paid once a week The third structural factor is the bureaucratic whine, which dictates that better academic qualifications enables one to get a better job or work. This factor integrates with the cultural factor whereby there are always achievers and losers (Bourgois 92). There should be an alternative way of treating those who do not achieve high grades in academics in the society instead of exploiting them in the job market. Primo concludes that because the bureaucratic whine does not entitle him to better jobs, he will keep on searching his own, and that is how he settled on crack dealing. Another structural factor is time management. Every organisation is very strict on time management. Crack dealers are culturally not bothered by time management because they are in their own business where time is not a consideration factor, and because they sniff and take the drugs, their body functioning is not sensitive to time factor (Bourgois 114). For instance, Primo explains how he had an appointment with a company taking care of sheets the previous day, but could not make it because he woke up late. He goes further to say that he overslept despite the alarm that was on. As he says this, he goes on to sniff the cocaine (Bourgois 114). This is an indication that the drugs interferes with the normal functioning of the body like hearing and responding to the environmental factors promptly. On pages 11-18 of In Search of Respect Bourgois discusses the politics of representation, or the manner in which his scientific work will be interpreted and used by general social forces politically. Specifically he is concerned to document and explain the structural oppression experienced by Primo and Caesar without erasing their individual decisions and the violence and self-destruction they often entail. A) From your perspective does Bourgois reproduce caricatured and stereotypical portrayals of Primo and Caesar? B) Do you empathise with Primo and Caesar and the choices they make? C) Give two criticisms of Bourgois’s analysis. D) Ultimately do you find Bourgois’ analysis convincing? Why or why not? Bourgois does not reproduce caricatured and stereotypical portrayals of Primo and Caesar because he has presented them in their true picture. At some instance, Bourgois comments sensitively about the crackers, but despite his portrayals and teases, the cracker do not get angry because they are seeking respect and affirmation from Bourgois and the readers of his work (Bourgois 214). I do empathise with Primo and Caesar and the choices they make because drug dealing was not the best solution to their problems. In addition, drugs have permanent negative impacts on its users, which are hardly reversible. I empathise with Primo and Caesar because their lives are negatively ruined. The reversion of the process will require a lot of personal sacrifice, money and support from the society, which may not be achieved. Two criticisms of Bourgois “In search for respect” are; he needs to justify his view of cognitive dissonance as well as his accountability to settle for the convenient. He should do this as a way of relegating and actualising the proclamations and political correctness of extremists. Bourgois overlooks and undervalues the two crucial relationships, which have laid the foundation to make his study a success. His credibility is undermined by failure to address the relationships in an intellectual and straightforward manner (Bourgois 327). For instance, Bourgois undervalues his relationship with his younger son Emiliano. Bourgois ought to have lived with the community he was studying as a competent ethnographer. He needed to relocate his family to El Barrio. Emiliano’s progress, from childhood to adulthood, is not clearly portrayed in the course of the book. Probably Bourgois spent three to four years in El Barrio. Moreover, Bourgois has undervalued his relationship with the crack dealers. The study is hinged on the extent that sellers were willing to frankly give him information regarding the study. The exploitation discussed in the work was unidirectional. Instead, the dealers have used Bourgois and his study to gain respect, which they could not find through normal interactions with the mainstream society. I find Bourgois’ analysis convincing because he argues that the society’s pressing issues needs to be answered instead of blaming the system or victim. It is common for one to find him or her blaming society, flawed individuals or social problems. This should not be the case because truth incorporates the integration of the two aspects. Bourgois has held the victim and the larger social structures to be responsible for epidemic drug catastrophe in America. Bourgois is bound to blame both the right and the left through his analysis. Bourgois believes that if every party is blamed for the social ills in the society, every individual will take caution not to be blamed; hence, social ills will be minimal in the society. In search for respect has poignantly illustrated the self destructive search for self dignity of the marginalised members of Puerto Rican community (Bourgois 413). Bourgois succeeded in his study by developing and maintaining a relationship with crack dealers. He has deflected his critical analysis far from his parenthood roles and leads the readers of his work toward the same direction. Bourgois and the dealers entered a mutual relationship, which enabled him write an outstanding ethnography that won several awards and gained him respect. Works Cited Bourgois, Philippe. In Search of Respect. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge University, 2002. Print. Colomy Paul. Three Sociological Perspectives. Colorado: Wadsworth, 2001. Print. Merton, Robert K. "Social Structure and Anomie". American Sociological Review 3 .5 (1938): 672–682. Doi: 10.2307/2084686. Pardo Mary. Grassroots Activism: Mothers of East Los Angeles. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple University Press, 1998. Print. Read More