ally, computerization has reduced the demand for these jobs, but it has boosted demand for workers who perform “nonroutine” tasks that complement the automated activities. Those tasks happen to lie on opposite ends of the occupational skill distribution.
At one end are so-called abstract tasks that require problem-solving, intuition, persuasion and creativity. These tasks are characteristic of professional, managerial, technical and creative occupations, like law, medicine, science, engineering, advertising and design. People in these jobs typically have high levels of education and analytical capability, and they benefit from computers that facilitate the transmission, organization and processing of information.
On the other end are so-called manual tasks, which require situational adaptability, visual and language recognition, and in-person interaction. Preparing a meal, driving a truck through city traffic or cleaning a hotel room present mind-bogglingly complex challenges for computers. But they are straightforward for humans, requiring primarily innate abilities like dexterity, sightedness and language recognition, as well as modest training. These workers can’t be replaced by robots, but their skills are not scarce, so they usually make low wages.
Tali Kristal (“The Capitalist Machine: Computerization, Workers’ Power, and the Decline in Labor’s Share within U.S. Industries”) has hired you to ghost-write her blog, where she responds to opinion pieces like this that appear in the media. In 250 total words or less combined (use a word count feature to make sure you do not go over), summarize whether you-as-Kristal (a) would largely be in agreement with Autour & Dorn’s explanation for inequality, and (b) why or why not.
Essentially, technology is meant to ease the production process and reduce the time spent by employees in performing routine jobs. Most routines have been automated, thereby eliminating the number of workers in that section