This include the rising crimes rate, fiscal crisis, mass private property, commodification of security, post modernity and the increase in demands by citizens’ protection (Shearing and Stenning, 1983; Reiner, 1992; Les Johnston 2003; Drakeford, 1992, Wood and Shearing, 2007). These scholars attempt to bring together different theoretical frameworks to explain the transformation of policing from an economic context, where supply and demand are shaping and expanding the private security markets.
However, it is contended that, policing division of labour is also driven by political context (Walker, 2006, Lister 2010). In these views, government determines how security services should be delivered for the common good of the people. This widespread recognition of government legitimacy is deeply rooted in the commercialisation and privatisation of policing activity. Garland (1996) describes this phenomenon as responsibilization plans, which individuals and organisations outside the formal policing agencies are participating in security services. In addition, the increasing recruitment of retired police officers by private security actors are political strategies, to makes it appears as the representative of public policing for their business operations. Against these backdrops, the rise of private security becomes more important and aligned its operations with the government to provide protective services in public places. Thus, fragmentation of policing and the growth of private security industry are guided by market paradigm. Nevertheless, the relationships are becoming more complex and blurring in policing accountability and functions.
This essay examines what is policing, its concept in the eyes of Britain, what is meant by fragmentation of policing. In doing so, it explores the impacts of public policing and the rise of private security industry in economic and political contexts. It then seeks to test the