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The Struggles between English Canada and French Canada - Essay Example

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The paper "The Struggles between English Canada and French Canada" states that the 1980s and 1990s saw this issue come to a vote at the national level. Both were defeated, but the margin of defeat was very narrow, forcing everyone, English and French, to recognize the strength of the question…
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The Struggles between English Canada and French Canada
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French in Quebec The struggles between English Canada and French Canada have a very long history dating back to the beginning of immigration within the country. These struggles were brought about primarily as neither culture living in Canada at the time proved willing to be assimilated by the other thanks to deep-seated lingual, religious and political differences among them. Although surrounded by primarily English-speaking individuals of Irish descent, the Catholicism practiced by the two peoples in Quebec was approached from different interpretations and the French who had settled in Quebec about the same time that the Irish were making their bid for power resented these differences. They felt they should retain the right to send their children to French-speaking schools that taught religion the way they interpreted it while the Irish Canadians attempting to assimilate the French felt that the only way to do so was to eliminate the language differences and ‘squeeze out’ the French resistance by raising the children of the region to the Irish way of thinking in English-speaking schools. Language emerged as the major ground of contention because, as Jane Jacobs (1980) says: “Cultural sovereignty revolves around language” (111). Having lost their connection with France, the French Canadians were soon overwhelmed by their English-speaking neighbors and found it necessary to either fight for their culture and heritage or learn to live as a disenfranchised people. To understand how they managed to retain their own culture and language within the confines of a predominantly English-speaking country, thus establishing the true concepts of nationalism and democracy, it is necessary to trace the history and evolution of the cultural identity of French Canada. Founded in 1608 by the French Samuel de Champlain, the region has seen tremendous swings in the recognition and rights of French Canadians ever since. The colony and new country thrived until 1759, when the Quebec and French armies were defeated in the Siege of Quebec. In the signing of the Treaty of Paris, Quebec and the French-speaking residents of New France suddenly became an English colony, immediately subject to the same laws and restrictions placed on English residents – namely, English was the official language, Catholicism was abolished and the French citizens of yesterday were now expected to follow English civil and criminal laws (“Perspective”, 2001). These restrictions were eased significantly with the signing of the Quebec Act in 1774 as the British attempted to focus their military strength against the growing resistance of the lower American colonies that would, in two years, declare independence and begin the United States of America. By 1806, however, French Canadians were again experiencing oppression as its major newspaper, Le Canadien, becomes censored with many of its owners and editors imprisoned (“Perspective”, 2001). By 1840, the province was lumped together with the rest of Canada in the Act of Union and English was again made the official language. Like the reversal represented in 1774 Quebec Act, the British North America Act of 1867 again reinstituted the French language within the region by recognizing it as the official language for courts and parliament (“Perspective”, 2001). Struggles between the English and French speaking peoples of the region have continued through competing legislation focused primarily on language and education even after Canada gained its independence, at times reaching violent levels Since 1976 and the rise of the Parti Quebecois, the region has gained political influence in decisions made regarding these issues, but has still not managed to resolve the conflicts that continue to drive a wedge between the cultures. Thus it can be seen that from the beginning, the French Canadians had a degree of independence regarding their culture and identity. As the colonists moved into the French territory in the early 1700s, they found themselves in a world completely alien to their counterparts in the home country. Climate, topography and even survival tactics were vastly different from what their shared cultural values taught, forcing them to devise new concepts of identity that resonated strongly throughout the community (Garneau, 1999). As these changes were encountered and overcome, the language used by these individuals also changed, reflecting the mother tongue but taking on some of the words of the native peoples and creating new inflections and phrases that were unique to the area, further binding them together in a small but unique culture. While they shared the Catholicism and language of those they left in the homeland, French Canadians were developing an identity and language that was unique to them and establishing a sense of independence and pride at their ability to carve out a thriving community from the wilderness and among the wild native peoples (Garneau, 1999). With their defeat in 1759, however, they suddenly shifted from being a nation of conquerors to a nation of the conquered. Rather than being treated as a subject nation, as they might have expected, French Canada was expected to relinquish all cultural ties and assimilate into the culture and customs of their English neighbors. Historically, French Canada has suffered multiple alienations, first as they found themselves isolated and different from those in their homeland, then deserted by the French government in the 1760s and their culture forbidden by the government of England. This historical separation has developed through the centuries into a sociological alienation as well as the French-speaking Canadians found it more difficult to find a connection with the rest of Canada, instead tending to define themselves as they are different from their English-speaking neighbors (Garneau, 1999). In addition to their historical and social alienation, French Canada continues to struggle with a great deal of frustration in attempting to gain the recognition of their independent culture and difference within Canada, almost as if only French Canada is capable of recognizing the differences that exist between themselves and the rest of Canada. Because governmental agencies and other community agencies have been thwarted in the past through various means, only the Catholic Church had the power to stand as the pillar of the community and protector of its culture. However, this is not necessarily due to the efforts of the church itself, but rather to its tendency to unite peoples of similar belief structures (Bourassa, 1970). The tenets of the church remain important to French Canadians who wish to remain within the cultural group in which they were raised. When the church frowns upon mixed marriages (meaning marriages between French Catholics and English Protestants), the French Canadians adhere to the rules more so than do their English counterparts. The tendency of the church, moreover, is to remain separate, nationalistic and retains an enormous ability to influence education and politics. “If I believe what was taught me about the public law of the Church, the most perfect society is one where the political and social organization is most harmoniously united with the constitution and the laws of the Church” (Bourassa, 1970). Thus, the basic concept of a just and right society in French Canada which includes a strong influence of the church in political and educational arenas is diametrically opposed to the concepts of the English-speaking portions of the country that follow more along the lines of the United States’ strict separation between church and state. The church, or more specifically the concepts associated with the church, serves at once to provide a cultural foundation for the entire region while also serving to distance the region from its neighbors, presenting a scenario that becomes more and more difficult to resolve as surrounding governments distance themselves from the issues of religion and religious values. Another one of the primary stumbling blocks regarding the French-speaking portion of Canada is the lengthy debate regarding whether French Canada is a part of Canada or an independent nation in and of itself. Jacobs’ (1980) study found the following: For separatists in the Canadian province of Quebec, the nation is Quebec. For their opponents, either inside the province or outside it, the nation is Canada –­ ­including Quebec. Canadians who are indifferent to the question of Quebec separatism are likely either to identify primarily with their own province, such as Newfoundland or British Columbia, or else to identify with a Canada which – for all they care emotionally – may or may not include Quebec. (4) The struggle remains primarily fought over the issue of language as the Parti Quebecois attempts to limit the use of English within the province and the rest of Canada attempts to place limits upon the autonomy of the French to make such decisions within the nation. Beginning in the middle of the 20th century, another vision of Canada appeared that attempted to bridge the conflicting issues by defining Quebec uniqueness within the nation of Canada. It was demonstrated how positive Canadian values such as tolerance, unity, diversity and justice, were strong within both the English and French speaking portions of the country, defining a national identity that was common to all even as the strong religious convictions and adherence to traditional language structures created clearly defined divisions. The influence of the two world wars, and the differences of opinion regarding whether or not French Canada should send soldiers to aid the English who would not recognize their rights of lifestyle choice, had a profound impact upon the concepts of the region (“Perspective”, 2001). By the 1960s, the debates that had emerged during the wars were brought to full force in the Quiet Revolution of Quebec in the 1960s in which French Canadians were modernized as well as secularized, encouraged to seek freedom of sensibility and reason while retaining their antipathy toward English customs and beliefs as an important aspect of the very heritage they were struggling to protect. Since 1976, the region has seen numerous conflicting efforts toward control over language use in the area with an almost equal number of supporters, leading to a see-saw motion regarding whether Quebec gains legislative rights or if these rights are superceded by the Federal government. As a result, many in Quebec struggling to retain their own culture and language have pushed, sometimes quite violently, for separation from Canada, forming their own nation. The 1980s and 1990s saw this issue come to a vote at the national level. Although both were defeated, the margin of defeat was very narrow, forcing everyone, English and French, to recognize the strength of the question. After the second vote, therefore, efforts were made within the national sphere to become more flexible in recognition of the French cultural identity yet the efforts of the French have been fueled, making them less willing to compromise on issues that might have been considered less important 30 years ago. Thanks to a strong and proud heritage that is equal to the achievements and historical significance won by the English, French Canadians are justifiably adamant regarding the importance of retaining the culture and heritage of their forefathers. These are attitudes and rights that English-speaking people have fought over for millennia, even leading to the formation of a new country as a result of fighting for these rights. While it is hoped that a solution between French and English might be found within a united Canada, it should not be expected that such unity will come at the expense of an entire group of people or as a complete capitulation to a separate but equal system of government within the province. Rather, compromise should be worked toward, with concessions made on both sides and a legislative rather than a violent approach. The last two votes taken on the question of secession have already demonstrated a recognition of the problem on the part of each side, what remains are the discussions and amendments that will leave the French culture and traditions intact while still allowing them the freedom to view the world differently as it is expressed in their own language group. References Bourassa, Henri. (July 10, 1910; reprinted 1970). “Catholicism and the French Language.” Henri Bourassa on Imperialism and Bi-Culturalism: 1900-1918. Toronto: Copp Clark, pp. 125-127. Garneau, D. (1999). “New France: Quebec Cultural Roots.” Canadian History: A Distinct Viewpoint. Telusplanet. Available July 10, 2007 from Jacobs, Jane. (1980). The Question of Separatism: Quebec and the Struggle over Sovereignty. New York: Random House. “Perspective and History of Quebec Nationalism.” (2001). United Canada. Available July 10, 2007 from < http://www.uni.ca/history.html> Read More
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