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Reasons of the Dramatic Marriage Decline in the United States - Coursework Example

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The paper "Reasons of the Dramatic Marriage Decline in the United States " highlights that the growing number of scholars expresses their fear that marriage as an institution may be on the rocks. For several years research has shown that there has been a significant decline in marriages in America. …
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Reasons of the Dramatic Marriage Decline in the United States
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Running head: MARRIAGES Marriages The paper discusses the reasons of the dramatic marriage decline inthe United States and all over the world. For several years research has shown that there has been a significant decline in marriages in America. The paper reviews the current state of literature, to explore the possible reasons and explanations to why people divorce or make a choice not to get married at all. The changing politics of marriage institutions, late or delayed childbearing, the growing availability of divorce, race, culture, and contextual factors are included and discussed. The paper concludes that one specific reason can hardly explain the current significant decline in marriages in America; rather, the decreasing number of married people in the United States is the product of multiple interlinked factors. Changes in How Marriages Are Looked At and Valued Within Today Society The growing number of scholars in social studies expresses their fear that marriage as an institution and as a social phenomenon is in danger. Actually, only few doubt that the meaning of marriage in the postmodern society has undergone a profound change. Young people are no longer willing to tie themselves to their partners. Divorce is becoming a common phenomenon. Childbearing is being delayed for a variety of economic and cultural reasons. Ultimately, people no longer value marriage as a form of existence and do not consider marriage as the ultimate point of social and personal achievement. For several years research has shown that there has been a significant decline in marriages in America. Marriages are ending in divorce in record numbers; as well as people making choice not to get married at all. The decline is due to various reasons ranging from our current economic crises to the evils of technology. In earlier American societies people took their vows very serious. The industrialized world is facing the threats of the rapid marriage decline. The growing number of young people consciously refuses to tie themselves to their partners. Marriage is gradually giving place to other, less stable relational forms like cohabitation (Garrison, 2007). As of today, demographers have identified seven different types of cohabitation, which range from an effective substitute for formal marriage to an effective substitute for being single (Garrison, 2007). Cohabitation and divorce have already become the definitive features of the postmodern reality, in which people strive for better freedom, increased flexibility, and wider choice of partners. Unfortunately, cohabitation cannot produce any consistent meaning for those who choose such form of a relationship and those living outside it (Garrison, 2007). Cohabitation as a widely accepted form of relationships lacks nomenclature and social blueprints (Garrison, 2007). More important, however, are the possible reasons of the significant decline in marriages in America. The current state of research shows that the decreasing number of formal marriages in America is the direct product of numerous influences, including economic difficulties, advances in technology, cultural, political, social, and other contextual factors. Economic difficulties and the changes in economic mentality are among the most frequently cited explanations to the significant decline in marriages in America. Garrison (2007) writes that the meaning of marriage in America has shifted – marriage is no longer a marker of conformity but is the sign of one’s social prestige. Moreover, the growing number of people in America believes that marriage requires economic stability and one should be economically set before he (she) decides to get married (Garrison, 2007). The cost of a proper wedding is one of the most important factors which deter young couples from marrying (Garrison, 2007). Ultimately, the recent economic crisis became a good test to the stability of marriage beliefs in the United States: in the conditions of scarce liquidity and the lack of the basic resources, individuals will choose to delay their marriage decisions until better times. It should be noted, however, that economic reasons solely cannot explain the dramatic shift in social consciousness regarding marriage. Obviously, economic difficulties alone could not have produced such a dramatic decline in the number of marriages in the United States. It would be fair to say that a whole range of political, social, cultural, and contextual factors are responsible for the decreasing number of formal marital unions in the United States. The discussed decline in formal marriages in America is invariably associated with the changing politics of marriage institutions. Compared to the middle of the 20th century, the institution of marriage has profoundly changed (Furstenberg, 2005). The period between the end of the Second World War and the beginning of the 1960s was marked with the unprecedented rise in marriages, high fertility and the level of economic wellbeing that allowed a single wage earner to support the whole family (Furstenberg, 2005). At that time, marriage was in essence a union of two parents, who chose marriage as a formal way to strengthen and formalize their relationships and to participate in the process of reproduction. However, the gold standard of the two-parent biological family is no longer valid (Furstenberg, 2005). The decline in marriages signifies the development of the new family models: traditional family forms wane, giving place to new types of family unions and turning family diversity into the distinctive feature of the postmodern reality. As of today, family and marriage institutions display three important characteristics: first, no universal form of family arrangement is accepted as the most appropriate form of reproduction, socialization and nurturance; second, these changes are endemic to all family systems without any exception; and third, the changes in family systems and institutions are not linear but mostly elemental and complex (Furstenberg, 2005). The discussed shifts in marriage mentality and the politics of marriage institutions are driven by a variety of economic, social, political, and historical factors. “Developmental idealism provides beliefs that modern family systems help […] to establish the importance of freedom and equality as human rights” (Thornton & Philipov, 2009, p.123). The clash of the declining economic realities and the growing consumption aspirations push marriage decisions to the background and turn marriage into a matter of secondary importance. The failure of governments and social difficulties destroy and weaken the systems of childbearing and childrearing support (Thornton & Philipov, 2009). For these reasons, individuals are not willing to embrace previously traditional marriage values and are more concerned about their personal future. The thirst for freedom predetermines the direction and pace of their self-realization efforts, leaving little or no room to marriage as a formal expression of their desire to create a stable family union. When governments and states do not have effective systems to support childbearing and rearing, marriages become a problem. Actually, contemporary scholars in sociology cite delayed childbearing as one of the most probable reasons of the current marriage decline. The fact is in that the process of family formation, the process of transition from cohabitation to marriage, and childbearing are closely related. Later and less childbearing is the product of greater instability and informality of sexual relationships and partnerships, whereas the lack of formalization in partnership often results in delayed childbearing and the decision not to have children at all (Steele et al, 2005). Partnerships are different from marriages in that the latter signal better commitment and offer a formal mechanism of dividing resources and parental rights (Steele et al, 2005). Children often become a solid reason for unmarried couples to strengthen their union through marriage. The less concentrated individuals are on childbearing, the less likely they are to strive toward a more formal type of partnerships. Even if individuals choose marriage to signal the seriousness of their relationships, children cannot guarantee the stability of such union. The growing availability of divorce facilitates the disruption of marital unions and makes it easier for individuals to satisfy their thirst for freedom and individual self-realization. The growing availability of legal divorce contributes to the rapid decline in the number of marriages in America. The introduction of no-fault divorce in the late 1960s became the turning point in the development of the novel attitudes toward marriage, relationships, and partnerships. The introduction of no-fault was followed by the rapid increase in the number of divorces in America (Garrison, 2007). The availability of divorce fueled the slow changes in marriage mentality toward greater acceptability of cohabitation and singlehood. The material, economic, and social prosperity in the middle of the 20th century led thousands of people in America to adopt new aspirations for personal fulfillment and sexual satisfaction (Coontz, 2006). In the conditions of the unprecedented prosperity, men and women sought to better fulfill the assigned gender roles at home, but as soon as marriage did not meet their expectations, they turned discontent and tried to find self-satisfaction outside their family union (Coontz, 2006). By the beginning of the 1980s, no-fault became an effective mask to divorce by mutual consent (Coontz, 2006). The growing economic independence of women and their heightened expectations of personal fulfillment turned divorce into a critical element of daily routine in America (Coontz, 2006). Divorce has already grown into a solid political institution, with its own legal base, normative principles and ethical standards. The availability of divorce makes it easier for individuals to initiate voluntary separation for any reason, or even without any. However, when explanations are a necessity, contextual factors often turn into the most reliable justification of the decision to separate. According to Karney and Bradbury (2005), marriage and the decision to marry and/ or to preserve marriage are being influenced by a multitude of contextual factors. The results of the recent ethnographic research reveal that families that choose to divorce value healthy relationships and partnerships no less than other populations do (Karney & Bradbury, 2005). Here, the environment in which marriage takes place can either enhance or constrain effective maintenance of relationships (Karney & Bradbury, 2005). To begin with, some environments do not provide resources and support necessary to preserve the stability of marriage unions and to reduce the scope of separation decisions (Karney & Bradbury, 2005). Second, when “demands external to the marriage are relatively high, even couples with adequate coping skills may have difficulty exercising those skills effectively” (Karney & Bradbury, 2005, p.171). Ultimately, contextual factors that most families consider as minor can become an effective driver of the decision to separate: for example, obesity is fairly regarded as an important factor that prevents women from entering cohabitation or marriage and, simultaneously, one of the forces that push men to initiate a divorce (Mukhopadhyay, 2008). Surprisingly or not, even race can become the determining factor of the significant decline in marriages. That race is an important factor of positive/ negative marriage decisions has long been established. Marital and reproductive behaviors vary significantly by race and ethnicity – in America, the decline of marriage has been much more pronounced in African American populations than in whites (Garrison, 2007). Blacks display high rates of marital disruption and are less likely to marry, too (Garrison, 2007). The employment instability and the persistent disparity in sex ratios make African Americans more reluctant to marry (Dixon, 2009). Cultural changes change individual attitudes toward marriage: marriage is no longer considered as a perquisite for sex, and the promotion of materialism and individualism make cohabitation a preferred relational form (Dixon, 2009). In African American populations, as well as among white Americans, internalization of the new cultural values and heightened expectations toward potential mates make it difficult to find the best partner (Dixon, 2009). Ultimately, African Americans often lack education and knowledge needed to sustain their marriage and to resolve their family issues. It should be noted, that education is no longer an issue in family relationships and marriage. It was not before the beginning of the 1990s that the increased availability of education opportunities for women ceased to be a serious obstacle in their way to stable relationship and marriage. Academic achievements and college degrees no longer deter women from getting married (Perelli-Harris, 2008; Wagner, 2004). For many years, college-educated women in America faced serious risks to spend their lives outside marriage or relationship, but education is no longer an issue and educated women have all chances to enter marriage and create a stable marital union. In light of everything discussed in this paper, the decline in marriages in America is the product of numerous interlinked factors. Taking into account the seriousness of the discussed cultural, economic, social, and mental shifts, the nearest future will hardly improve the marriage situation in the United States. Conclusion The growing number of scholars expresses their fear that marriage as an institution may be on the rocks. For several years research has shown that there has been a significant decline in marriages in America. The current state of literature provides numerous explanations to the problem of marriage decline in the United States. Economic difficulties, consumerism, and material aspirations make individuals more reluctant to enter marriage. Delayed childbearing, the changing politics of the marriage institutions, the availability of divorce, race and contextual factors turn marriage into a matter of secondary importance. Marriages are ending in divorce in record numbers, driven by a multitude of interlinked reasons and factors. Given the seriousness of the situation, the nearest future will hardly improve the marriage situation in the United States. References Coontz, S. (2006). The origins of modern divorce. Family Process, 46 (1), 7-17. Dixon, P. (2009). Marriage among African Americans: What does the research reveal? Journal of African American Studies, 13 (1), 29-46. Furstenberg, F. (2005). Can marriage be saved? Dissent, 52 (3), 76-80. Garrison, M. (2007). The decline of formal marriage: Inevitable or reversible? Law Quarterly, 41 (3). Karney, B.R. & Bradbury, T.N. (2005). Contextual influence on marriage: Implications for policy and intervention. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 14 (4), 171-175. Mukhopadhyay, S. (2008). Do women value marriage more? The effect of obesity on cohabitation and marriage in the USA. Rev Econ Household, 6, 111-126. Perelli-Harris, B. (2008). Family formation in Post-Soviet Ukraine: Changing effects of education in a period of rapid social change. Social Forces, 87, 2, 767-794. Steele, F., Kallis, C., Goldstein, H. & Joshi, H. (2005). The relationship between childbearing and transitions from marriage and cohabitation in Britain. Demography, 42 (4), 647-673. Thornton, A. & Philipov, D. (2009). Sweeping changes in marriage, cohabitation and childbearing in Central and Eastern Europe: New insights from the developmental idealism framework. European Journal of Population, 25, 123-156. Wagner, C.G. (2004). Marriage and the educated woman. Futurist, 38 (4), 20. Read More
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