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State Security officers practiced what Paul Amar described as “sexualized brutality” against these women (301). Amar complained, however, that when the police attacked a foreign female correspondent, the Western media forgot to analyze and report on how complex gender issues and politics are in Egypt (301). Several other readings from other scholars explore the economic, political, and social dimensions of marginalized groups. The paper focuses on the policing of gender, race, and social class as a mechanism for protecting the economics, politics, and social dynamics that oppress disempowered identities. The act of policing has become a political mechanism for controlling and repressing non-traditional gender identities and sexual practices. Amar described policing behaviors in Rio de Janeiro and Cairo. He noted how Rio’s Militarized Police (PM) did not protect ASTRAL, an organization of travesti prostitutes (transvestites), against the attacks of neo-Nazi gangs who conducted homophobic violence against the latter in the 1980s (Amar, 65). Furthermore, the PM harassed and extorted money from the travestis, even when prostitution is legal in Brazil (Amar, 65). When the travestis asked for recognition and control over their business as legal sexual workers and empowerment in choosing their gender in public documents, the state simply registered them as “marginals” during the roundups (Amar, 65). The state then relabeled sexual work in the areas of travestis as “perversions of globalization,” where the police cleared the area of the travestis’ presence (Amar, 66). The happenings in Rio de Janeiro show how the state use the police to inflict fear upon those they categorize as second-class citizens. The interpretation of the paper is that the travestis are pushed to the margins, ideologically, legally, and physically, where the police play a critical role in implementing the state’s gender-oppressive policies. The travestis are further marginalized because they question the status quo and threaten the authoritarian power of the state. The same policing function is evident in Nayan Shah’s article. An example is when the police, acting through the law, treated sodomy as “crime against nature,” so they captured and detained males who seemed to be having sex (Shah, 705). The paper believes that rape between (any) genders is wrong, but the criminalization of homosexual practices demonstrates that the state supports heterosexuality as the only acceptable form of sexuality. To be gay is to be abnormal, but more than that, to do something about it sexually is to do something illegal. These articles depict how policing sex and gender promote the subjugation of homosexual groups. Apart from gay gender identities, the “policing” activities of feminist and feminine identity are presented in other articles. Amar depicted police brutality against female Egyptian demonstrators. Police brutality, in this case, reached sexual dimensions because of sexual harassment acts, such as grabbing women’s breasts and trying to rip off their clothes (Amar, 300). The paper interprets that these actions aim to put these women in their proper place, the place of subjugated status that their sexualization is supposed to remind them of. To sexually harass these women publicly and privately suggests the punishment of men for women who go out their traditional feminine roles. Outside patriarchal gender codes, ...Show more
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POLICING GENDER, RACE, AND SOCIAL CLASS: THE ECONOMICS, POLITICS, AND SOCIAL DYNAMICS OF MARGINALIZED IDENTITIES Name Class November 29, 2013 Some of the most emotionally-riveting images of national and global gender rights movements involve the public physical harassment of gender rights activists, both from feminist and gay organizations…
Analytical/integrative essay
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