Global Capitalist Dynamics, International Variations of Work and Agency - Essay Example

The existence of global capitalist dynamics, international variations of work and workers agency Following the increased transport and communication levels, labour mobility has as well improved from archaic to professional levels. Unlike before where feudalism, colonialism or slavery supplied economies with work-force, currently workforce is presented as a significant stakeholder in building the organization’s image. Justifiably, workforce presents an on-going debate of their stand in the organization. Interestingly, prior to the prevailing system, most executive committee happened to be the owners of the entity, however, currently, most company executives have closed the bridge and they are now workers. The incoming research will investigate the existence of global capitalist dynamics, international variations of work and workers agency. The research will prove that global capitalist dynamics have encouraged the transformation of the work and workers agency making it professional. Background There has been a pressing debate on the importance thresholds of workers, and workers agency in most organizations. Research has established that workers supply variable units of labour time while facing in every period of liquidity constraints. On the other hand, capitalists or owners of the firm do not work for the same model. However, significant amount of debate is centred on the competition part off the job. That is, who receives the job first, how he receives and when does he or she receive the job. While on one side diversity plays a crucial role in bridging the work diversity, it is clear that there are still other competitions in place. Similarly, there is a multitude of theories and research on how capitalists globalization works, who wins and how he wins and who loses as it conquers the globe and transform communities, regions and cities that countries and culture, however there is relatively little theory and research on globalization as a generic phenomenon thought about and even on occasion practiced outside its historical container of globalizing capitalism (Martin, 2010: 604). For that reason, the approach of capitalist globalization is based on the concept of transnational practices, practices that cross boundaries but do not originate with state institutions, actors, and agencies. Doogan (2009, p. 113) believes choice offers as it were the tools with which to construct a series of working hypothesis for keenly contested disagreements between globalization theorists and their opponents. Based on the above, there is a need to focus on debates on whether to what extent does capitalism prevails as a central issue for globalization theory and metrics of work. Secondly, it is important to engage transnational capitalist class as key driver globalization with westernization and Americanization being key initiatives (Castronovo, 2005: 259). As well, the research will be examining capitalism globalization as synonymous with westernization Americanization. Likewise, the research will be comparing induced homogenization or hybridization of both at the same time (Jung, 2002: 543). Equally, the research will analyze how states are in decline relative to the forces of capitalist globalization. Moreover, the research is projected by the fact that states decline to the forces of capitalist globalization are dynamic with time. Furthermore, the culture-ideology of consumerism is central to the system and the alternatives to capitalist globalization are possible within the conditions of generic globalization. Globalization Blocks Transnational practices operate in different spheres with economic and political and cultural ideological patterns playing a crucial aspect. Global systems at the beginning of the 21st century were not synonymous with global capitalism, which are dominant forces in the wider global system. Thus, the subjugation of global workforces naturally consists of the whole communities, local, national and transnational which can exist in different environments. As well, Soros (2000: 43) contends that the building blocks of global system theory are the transnational corporation the characteristics, with a strong inference to institutional form of economic transnational practices that are still evolving in the political sphere. The MNC Multinational corporations (MNC) outsource their production and services fractured into loosely connected sites which many of them employ unprotected and precarious workers. The programmes and restructuring in the advanced industrialized countries whether hyper-flexible or flexi-corporatist, run in a seamless web of power with the practices of unprotected workers in the less developed countries LDCs of the South and with the invisible work undertaken in the informal sectors (Akerlof and Shiller, 2009: 81). Reflectively, there is a justifiable approach in the essence of capitalism in terms of a world system organized by a capitalist scenario. The problematic position has a sharp distinction between market economy and capitalism. Reflectively, on the basis of the ongoing market relations in a heavily industrialized world, market capitalism place attempts that help to distinguish markets and capitalism by placing states at the very centre of analysis. According to Marx, capitalism historical dynamics is its most salient characteristics (Hughes, 2007: 167). The system entails ongoing transformation of social life that is driven by the essential core of capitalism. Reflectively, cycles of capitalism remain fundamentally under-theorized. The approach ensures that this constitutes the unique character of capitalism, as well as its historical dynamics. In addition, the organization of production in relation, one that demonstrates monopoly sectors is not usually a propitious for control of direct labour costs. Currently, Head (2003: 71-2) analyzes that the globe is enjoying a new and reduced bargaining power, which is organized altogether (Atzeni, 2013: 118). For instance, the strong significance of political power in work has influenced the choices of work strategies. As well, the most revolutionary layers of working class are largely outside the unions and the workers league which must find means to reach them. Cazdyn and Szeman (2011: 43) believe that there has been a third force advocating the sale of the international workers bulletin which must be revaluated to correspond to changing forms of industry and their effect on the working class. As well, there are as well programmatic procedures which analyzes specific problems that workers face. For example, workers have been encouraged to engage to the unorganized sections of the working class where they shall not function as recruiting sergeants for the labour bureaucracy. Currently, workers league will not tell these masses of workers that they should look to the AFL-CIO to lead them. Noe (2012: 182) argues that considering their efforts to form substandard organization to resist their employers, workers must be bluntly told that the forms of organization should be provided by the AFL-CIO, which will not answer a single problem. Understandably, the authority of labour bureaucracies has lost clout in the last decade prompting the engagement of workers league and other sections of the international committee with an advantage of unknown to previous generations of revolutionary fighters. In fact, most of these fought for genuine Marxism under conditions that regimes of Lenin or Stalin took away from them. In Marxists environment, social democracy will naturally influence accounts. For example, the Trotskyist movement holds an account of the belief held by most militant sections of the working class (Ferrari, 2012: 211). However, given the enactment of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, there were significant changes in how global workforce survived. Such a system is ineffective since real challenges and injustices of workers were not addressed. Barndt (2008: 142) quotes that tactics of the Fourth International which had to provide the means for overcoming subsequent illusions within the working class. However, social system lost significant influence given that these governments failed. In fact, prior to such entitlements, the tactic of placing demands on the Stalinist and social democratic leaders was essential through limited means of exposing before engaging militant workers. Currently, when bureaucratic flaunt their corporatists’ policies and make no claim to be fighting for socialism, workers are already deeply disillusioned with trade unions and old labour parties (Weeks, 2011: 53). This meant that the significance and usefulness of this tactic in the repertoire of the Marxist movement was heavily affected. American Imperialism In the west, the mounting contradictions of world’s capitalism and eruption of American imperialism lead to a conclusive development of the class struggle. Rogers (2009: 120) believes that old American organizations of the working class were cut off by the force of objective events. Convincingly, in America the globalization has encouraged a particular mode of knowledge to dominate the area of social change. Both popular and academic discussion of all matters global has in most cases presented as a beast itself. In reference to logical market structures, one will notice that there is a driving force for change. Doogan (2009: 454) as well factors that making reference to technological and market structures as the driving force for change. In most cases, everyday lives of people are positioned passively outside the process receiving the imperatives of global restructuring. To workers, this means that there will subsequent transformations in their everyday lives. This will be automatica from new production technologies with competitive impulses of global markets and their demands of shareholder capitalism. Reflectively, the dominant representations of global restructuring have rendered the voices, experiences and practices of workers and to the unprotected or unrepresented workers who are unheard or are invisible. Payne and Askeland (2008: 84-6) factor that the invisibility produced in this case has a deficit in the understanding of dynamics of global change, which causes us to avert our eyes from the very site where work and political condensation is taking place in the global political economy. Comparatively, for a contract worker in a British production plant, the everyday practices of Mexican workers producing the same component for the client corporation which is proximate than geography would dictate the British MNC has much power across the minor Mexican workers (Atzeni, 2013: 243). This may be expressed ambiguously in terms of competition and insecurity, or in terms of identification and solidarity. For instance, Bolivian live in domestic worker in Berlin, the practices of her globally mobile management consultant employer constitute yet another ambiguous and contradictory global working relationship. The GPE in Context In attempting to further understand the work structure of the global political economy, one would need to look beyond states and firms to consider the political, social and geographical relationship that workers have with one another. The GPE further guarantees that these relationships are discursively and historically constituted. Reflectively, the IPE of social practice explores the everyday practices of work that variously enable content or confound the emerging social relations of globalisation (Brien, et al., 2004). The first explores the representation of transformation in work and work organization within the dominant expositions of globalization. In other words, what ways workers are rendered invisible by the globalization discourse? However, where workers are made visible in analysis, which workers feature and which remain excluded. Finally, a social practice approach to work is outlined and insights drawn for the repoliticisation of work in IPE. Concerning the explosion of working practices into multiple domains, it is increasingly problematic to delineate those practices that are contemporaneous with particular state-societies. Reflectively, the dominant representations of globalization ensure that a process of change is inevitable since it leads to expansionary ambitions of a much delved global economy trans-border technology, and deplore the politicisation (Massot, 2008, p. 533). The Advent of Technology Other researchers have attempted to argue that the introduction of technology at the workplace has enabled to the receiving of a high profile in accounts of the work flexibility. Workers and can freely move from one point of work to another. In given shared patterns of global processes, there is a tendency to underestimate how the conditions and relations of everyday life will constitute process of economic and social reorganization (Azteni, 2013: 185). Supportively, the everyday practices and contests of workers are overlooked amidst a flurry of activity which can be pursued through the definite understanding of large-scale transformation. In fact, international economic institutions have with time casted labour as a commodity that is simply moulded to fit prevailing economic conditions. Technological and Economic Revolution Arguably, approaches outlined provide a valuable antidote to the technoeconomic determinism of the dominant globalization discourse. In fact, such approaches encourage the provision with insight into the individuals and groups whose actions can be acknowledged and power becomes intertwined with global transformation (Azteni, 2013r). Considerably, if properly taken together, such forces sustain a separation of labour and workers from restrictions of state and firms, hence highlighting the experiences of modern day workers solely in respect to their relationships with paradigms of narrowly defined patterns The reading state, societies and political activities will get away of technological and economic process of transformation. Caragata and Sancheza (2002: 318) further analyze that the political and social aspects of change that are abstracted from economic and technological imperatives to particular governments, welfare institutions and trade unions which will cast as obstructions to successful transformation (Atzeni, 2013). Largely, the social costs of global restructuring are commonly perceived as temporary by products of adjustment to the imperatives of change (Marchand and Runyan, 2010: 156). On the other hand, non elite groups will specifically be rendered invisible to globalization developments. As noted from the ongoing discussion, the restructuring of work is presented as a unidirectional and universal outcome of restructured production with global forces determining changes of markets. According to the economic management logic presented by West and Heath (2011: 202), all work must become flexible, casual contingent, feminised and service oriented if the opportunities of globalization are to be seized and the forces of global production successfully harnessed. Making globalization has thus received a dialectical double meaning in recent times. On one hand, this can indicate that globalization has a friendly face to work and other and is presented as a panacea with potential to ameliorate the pain of globalization. The surface-level shifts of new production technologies and management techniques will highly be visible in such accounts but the contradictory current will surface and remain obscured from the view. Globalization process and work uncertainty As well, there have been justifications that globalization has increased work uncertainty. According to the European Commission, there is an assumption that globalization processes is given reality, which can be separated from the social and political restructuring (Beukema, 2004, and Bieler, 2008: 93). Such an approach ensures the process is entirely independent to everyday thoughts and actions of workers. In this case, the effort to construct a discourse of opportunity and manageability, such interventions represents the agency of workers as a problem to overcome on the path to a more adaptable and flexible work-force. Neoliberalism Reforms In postwar era, there has been a justified course to relate modernity with modernization. This is neoliberalism. In particular, the 1980s were considered as a decade of market reforms. Neoliberal states suffered a considerable cost paradigm, where what to reward labor was in most cases not properly defined. Azteni (2013: 185-187) believes that issues such as unemployment, inflation, tax evasion or corruption were challenging the genuine productivity of firms. Workers showed discontent with reforms, hence the began exerting tighter control over work schedule and raised work quotes. De-industrialization Agrarian and Industrial Revolution pressed for significant social reforms. Through, these reforms, feudalism came to a fine end. Azteni (2013: 79) contends that information revolution resulting from an informed society brought about theorization of the relationship between work and an industrial revolution. This was the postindustrial society, common known as de-industrialization. Theorists began focusing on the presence of technological development in information and communication technological development in information and communication technology. De-industrialization focuses more on the transformation work and employment. De- localization As being noted, globalization has powerful economic, cultural, political and social dimensions. The concept focuses on themes which might appear with some regularity in the literature, such a de-localization the speed and power of technological innovation and the associated growth of risk. Likewise, there is need to focus on the rise of multinational corporations and the extent to which the moves towards the creation of global free markets to leads to instability and division. Labor market expansion Reflectively, labor market polices in the near future will expand to improve programs for the long –term unemployed and disadvantage groups, which the field of training and combination of training and work. The improvement is also needed in the methods of counseling the unemployed, strengthening their abilities and encouraging skill development. As well, the labor market administration the education authorities and other relevant institutions will have to contribute more than in the past to improve women’s labor market position. A crucial reform is the American and European economists believe that a reduction in social security contributions would increase employment, particularly in the labor intensive-service sector. Rightly, while the employment implications are unsure, the move leads to the dismantling of the welfare state, where economists consider the substitution argument to be important through the reduction in employees of social security contributions that increase international competitiveness. The Debate of Agencies There have been agency cantered questions, where actions, articulations and experiences of workers are simply contained within corporations’ transnational trade unions and state formation as sites of global restructuring (Azteni, 2013: 220). Taken as whole, the globalization debate has reproduced an implicitly problem solving mode of knowledge which emphasizes on the explanation of as opposed to the understanding of global social change. Subsequently, mode of getting work has with time changed leading to the adoption of more dynamics systems of getting work. Alphonse et al., (2008: 145) present that globalization have tended to exposé the counter dominant discourse with critical emphasis on the power of particular individual and collective agents to drive or resist global change. However, interests have been accorded to the need resulting in the deafening silence that is almost total neglect of labor. Transformation in labor and work are variously given their agency through a focus on the action of companies. For that reason, there are arguments which are embedded on the companies’ multinational structures. As such, competing models of national capitalism will naturally take head of institutions and systems of production hence resulting to divergent patterns of change in forms of work (Atzeni, 2013). The argument being generated in this case is that, it is common sense begins to see the elite-level actions of national governments and corporate managers as the sole legitimate researchable agents in restructuring of work. In other words, Misra et al., (2006: 318) evaluates that the restructuring of work in particular social spaces that cannot meaningfully abstract the workforces of individual firms from their relationships with the practices of agencies satellite plants, workshops and households. In addition, the rapid growth in outsourcing contracting out and the use of temporary employment agencies has moved production to sites that are not immediately visible if firm is treated as bounded entity. The result which is contemporary study of corporation must confront the problem that new flexible working practices that do not sit neatly within the bounded firms that focus predominantly. Moghadam (2011, p. 43) believes that as companies outsource some of its core and most of its non-core activities understanding the social practice of the workplace extends to the practices of homes, supply chain workshops with contract workers. Transnational Capitalist Class Justifiably, the Transnational Capitalists Class (TCC) presents a double sense of what members in a richer globalization power have for localized perspectives (Murray, 2012). Such a presumption contains people from many countries who operate transitionally as normal part of their working lives. Workers work depending on their classes. Some belong to a superior work spectrum, while others come from a relatively smaller state. Thoughtfully, the transnational capitalists’ class will naturally be composed of fractions that corporate, state, consumerist and technical contain. Merchants and the media commonly understood as the consumerist quarter. Secondly, the system contains of globalizing state and interstate bureaucrats and politicians who belong to state function. Thirdly, the system contains control of major TNCs, and their local affiliation commonly known as corporate fraction. The last quarter contains globalizing professions which contains technical fraction (Murray, 2010, p. 17). These class demonstrated a mission of properly organized the conditions under which there are interests and of the system to be furthered in the global and local context. The concept of the transnational capitalist class implied that there are one central transnational capitalist class that makes system wide decisions that connects with the TCC in each locality, region and country. Although there are different fractions, which are distinguishable given the analytical categories people often move of category to another different system. Reflectively, the transitional capitalist class is opposed not only by those who reject capitalism as a way of life but as an economic system that small capitalist are often engaged to (Castree, 2004: 92). In those economies, monopolies will naturally dictate critical decisions of how resources should be controlled. Convincingly, these groups constituted of global power elite, ruling class and inner circle of the sense that these terms that have been used to characterize the class structures of specific countries (Rothstein, 2008, p. 44). As such, the transnational capitalist class hence gets opposed not only to those who reject capitalism as way of life as an economic system and the situation is reflected to the small capitalist systems. Precariousness a dominant condition A critical aspect is the difficulty was raised when their employment security and condition in the process of globalization. Reflectively, there are concerns of continued losing jobs to China. Cities for instance Detroit has lost entire industries motor vehicle industries to China. China emergence as a global political power is solely based on labor. If China demanded higher wages and improved working conditions through either work or through government pressures, then the situation would stable up globally. However, China compensation is low making more plants to shift their operations to that country. In America, or other westernized countries, maintaining employment means forgoing struggles for local conditions having a job means accepting the precarious and poor conditions. The situation happened in most developed societies. Countries like Poland were directed involved in the precarious thrift. In other countries, for instance Mexico, unions have or unionization was rarely mentioned as a route of achieving security. Instead, unions are seen as impediments of job security. Strategists have attempted to resolve the insecurity caused by international work competitiveness. As such, it becomes inevitable to avoid the ideology of neoliberalism and workers interpretations of their problems to arrive at desirable solutions. Azteni (2013: 3) factors those precarious conditions of work for the majority of world’s population, across the North/south as well as, formal and informal divide where works resistance and desire to develop self-organizations is grouping. As such, increase international competitiveness through individual achievement and co-operation with management. The result of state approaches to social cohesion is that competitiveness is workers limits on collective approach to resolve their profound insecurity. Gender and Social Reproduction As well, gender concerns have unveiled that the role of women kin IR and IPE and Industrial Relations scholarship, which has been widely documented by feminists scholars (Gottfried, 2013: 81). The feminization of work is accompanied to global restructuring makes it particularly important to see women as actors in global restructuring that recognizes humankind. In developing, the non-monetized care, family and community as well agriculture and domestic roles have naturally being controlled by women. In fact, in developed countries, women still contribute heavily to the process of development (Moghadam, 2011: 54 and McElhinny, 2007: 171). A focus solely on firms and trade unions which contains workers perpetuating of gendered invisibility and sanitizes and naturalizes processes of restructuring. Feminist movements and women movements have continued playing a critical role in the ideological, economic and environmental, social, gender and economic role. The roles are rested for the past half century termed with development of the neo-liberalism treatment of labor. Azteni (2013: 183-5) further indicates that the contested sexual and racial division of labor and the inequalities in the new international division of labor, have been subject to the intervention of social policies, obstructions and accessing as decision making. Conclusion Some localized, domestically oriented business can share interests of the global corporations in terms of the workforce and prosper. However, when it comes to work, it is important to have influential business strategists and management theorists in order to survive and globalized. The research as proved that although most national and local state players would fight over interests in their constituents, the definition of interests government bureaucrats, politicians and professionals have often shaped the strategies of workforce globalization. For that reason, globalization espouses extreme nationalists’ ideologies which are rare, despite a rash in economic marginal part of the world. As witnessed, based on the levels of material life, the market economy and capitalism does not allow the consideration of the relations of form of everyday social life and capitalism. The research has investigated Marxists ideologies, where it is noted that the decline of variable capital relative to constant capital is a central understanding of thrust of value theory in Marx. Thus, in attempting to understand the interrelationships between global capitalist dynamics, international variations of work and workers agency, one would not that the relative balance of power between capital and organized, capital mobility undermines the ability of monopoly sector workers to defend the relative material well being gained. 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