Feminism and the Women in the Black Movement - Essay Example

FEMINISM AND THE WOMEN IN BLACK MOVEMENT Introduction To question, defy and confront the militarist policies of their respective governments, the groups identified as Women in Black do not merely consider themselves an organization but actually more of an effective instrument, a dynamic channel for communication and a potent formula for action. Despite evident differences, these groups consisting of women from diverse ethnic backgrounds opted and have firmly decided upon themselves to collaborate and merge forces in the interest of justice and peace and work for a world where "difference" does not signify inequity and discrimination, subjugation or elimination. To fortify cohesion among women who have been alienated by guns and borders is a strong political aim and they intensely declare, "We are the group of women who stand in silence and black every week to express our disapproval against war. We have decided to see what is the women's side of this war. Women wear black in our countries to show the grief for death of the loved ones. We wear black for the death of all the victims of war. We wear black because the people have been thrown out of their homes, because women have been raped, because cities and villages have been burned and destroyed" (Women In Black, 1992, p. 50). Brief History & Description In contrast to most feminist groups, WIB clusters do not have decision-making bodies, elected officers or branches. One year after the start of the Palestinian Intifada, WIB was instigated by Israeli women going up against the Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in 1988. Expanding rapidly during the Gulf War and Yugoslav wars in the 1990s, there are probably 300 WIB clusters in possibly 30 countries all over the world. A salient feature of these groups is the practice of holding vigils which entail the women to wear black and stand at regular times and intervals in public places (Cockburn, 2005). Though WIB was in the beginning committed to obtaining peace in the Middle East, other groups almost immediately remonstrated against tyranny in the Balkans and India. For these activists, their status as women provided them extraordinary power and influence when it comes to insisting for peace. At present, the Women in Black in Israel persist on their peaceful and diplomatic resistance to the occupation in partnership with the Coalition of Women for a Just Peace. These groups have been protesting against the shutting down of several Palestinian cities, contending that the barricades preclude students from attending school and pregnant women from getting into healthcare centers and or having access to healthcare services. The group likewise calls for the full participation of women in peace negotiations (Foreign Policy, 2001, p.43). During their very first public statement in Belgrade, the activists characterized themselves as an anti-nationalist, anti-militarist, feminist, pacifist group who opposes the diminution of women to the role of just mothers. "The work of women in peace groups is presupposed, it is invisible, trying, women's work; it's a part of 'our' role; to care for others, to comfort, aid, tend wounds, and feed. The painful realization that the peace movement would to some extent also follow a patriarchal model caused a serious dilemma for feminist-pacifists. We wanted our presence to be VISIBLE, not to be seen as something 'natural,' as part of a woman's role. We wanted it to be clearly understood that what we were doing was our political choice, a radical criticism of the patriarchal, militarist regime and a non-violent act of resistance to policies that destroy cities, kill people, and annihilate human relations" (Women In Black 1993, 23a). In 1997, the WIB backed up and participated in the grassroots democracy movement in Serbia. The scenario looked more hopeful for the very first time in several years. However, Slobodan Miloevic was not about to be outmaneuvered of power by democracy. He rejected to acknowledge the outcomes of the election and later on seized power again. When renewed violence erupted between Serbia and Kosovo, Women in Black, working with other pro-democracy, human rights and anti-violence groups formed protest rallies. September 19, 1988, antiwar rallies were banned by the government. With this action came the statement of WIB: "by banning this protest, the regime in Serbia proves its policy of isolation, xenophoby and confrontation with the world. With this repressive act the regime also shows its determination for war, hatred, destruction and violence against all who think they opposite, even against a indeed small group of citizens, who from 1991 until today raise their voice against all kinds of violence" Chief Obstacles to Women's Rights & Empowerment Excessive Sexual Bigotry While it is true that women's standing and importance are at variance in each country, evident shades and obtrusive blueprints of gender discrimination and marginalization exist -- reduced access to the labor market, growing defenselessness against crime, family-oriented social benefits deficiencies, and extraordinarily low incidence of parliamentary representation. For several transition-countries, there exists a conspicuous feminization of poverty. For instance, in Russia, 87% of urban dwellers with employment having incomes of under $21/month are women; for those with earnings of $315/month, the figure plunges to 32%. To an even greater degree than in the West, Eastern European women are apt to be huddled in very meager-paying careers. In addition, during this time of transition, glaring sexual prejudice in the hiring and promotion of employees have become profoundly ensconced; job advertisements habitually specify "attractive female receptionist" or a "male manager." In the case of new democracies, early retirement for women have been prescribed, confining them into predetermined incomes far removed from free market practices (Hunt, 1997, pp. 2-3). Marginalization /Exclusion Evidently, women are not significant to policymaking before the transition to democracies but even as fresh chapters of freedom are being written and constructed, they paradoxically find themselves still cramped in the margins. In the abyss of political cataclysm, from 1987 to 1994, the percentage of women in parliament plummeted from 28% to 6% in Albania, from 34% to 4% in Romania, and from 21% to 11% in Hungary. In the Soviet Union parliament, only 33% of the seats went to women, worse, in several of the newly independent states, the figure is now under 3%. Further, the same descending drift is obvious for women in top ministerial posts - representations in Hungary, Albania, and Romania dwindled from 6%, 12%, and 4%, respectively, to zero (Hunt, 1997, p.4). Such exclusion is very well inferred in this statement: "You can't end wars simply by declaring peace. "Inclusive security" rests on the principle that fundamental social changes are necessary to prevent renewed hostilities. Women have proven time and again their unique ability to bridge seemingly insurmountable divides. So why aren't they at the negotiating table" (Hunt and Posa, 2001, p. 38). The prevailing disparities between the haves and the have-nots among different nations, aggravated and intensified by the discounting of intelligent, talented and highly educated women in these countries, also demoralized and weakened regional stability. As their contribution is very much needed to fortify frail economies, women are faltering on their way to the market or to their homes enormously burdened with domestic responsibilities. As these women perceived, more than ever, they have become so preoccupied with just getting through the day rather than taking part in building the future. This disregard for women , as a matter of fact, really contributes to lawlessness, at the same time, trafficking of women has fueled organized crime, generating new "monsters" as traffickers enjoy limitless market, huge profits, minimal punishment and so little risk, if there's any, of getting apprehended. New democracies are most especially susceptible to these types of lawlessness. And this violence against women just an issue of justice; communities and nations cannot sincerely support women as builders of these new economies at the same time allowing a market in which criminals sell them as cheap commodities (Hunt, 1997, pp. 4-5). Nationalism / Militarism In these "mindsets" and social systems called militarist and nationalist, the inequalities and distortions of gender in a patriarchal society are blatantly displayed. These "brother" ideologies have extremely analogous set-up for women and men, for gender relations. They illustrate a dynamic, forceful, public kind of man and masculinity. This "real man" is stridently distinguished from the proper woman, whose femininity highlights submissiveness, domesticity and devotion. In these frames of mind, the male (father, patriot, and soldier) is attributed superior significance and consequence than the female. As luck would have it, women perform their traditional roles with pomposity in cultures like these. Females are considered vital to permanence and stability because they breed both the population and the culture; however, they are seen and valued as mothers and wives, definitely not as self-governing, self-sufficient, and self-directed human beings (Cockburn, 2003). Contentions and Assertions Within Oddly, there is a schism inside the feminist movements concerning the ways and strategies that need to be implemented to effectively accomplish goals and obtain desired outcomes. At one end of the continuum lies the vigilant line of reasoning that women, especially mothers, are, for different grounds and motivations , more caring and competently equipped by their daily lives of peace keeping, be it with or among their children or in adult relationships, to recognize and adopt non-violence as a practicable option (Ruddick, 1990, p. 61). On the other hand, there are feminists who maintain that not all women are "maternal" in their daily, ordinary existence. These women believed that a lot of women in contemporary and ancient times have involved themselves and taken part in violence within society or volunteered and did extremely well in the military. In addition, as much as women are aware of the movements' noble aims and objectives, several of them, especially women of color, those belonging to war-torn countries and those highly marginalized to economic destitution feel they have nothing much to benefit from the feminist movements based in North America and the United Kingdom. Diverse questions also arise in their midst like - is it possible to be feminist without being racist Can feminist thought and practice integrate the lived experiences and standpoints of those women of color or those in Third World countries Peaceful & Novel Strategies, But Will They Work These diverse women movements for sustainable peace, and specifically, the Women in Black Movement, explore numerous methods and employ several strategies to attain their objectives. They hold vigils, non-violent protest marches and rallies, conduct seminars to educate everyone that "war" is an unthinkable option and solution to the world's predicaments, give out stirring speeches on the destructive effects of war and how women are additionally subjected to domination and degradation in times of war and utilize other peaceful means of "preaching" to other women and to the whole world that women, just like their male counterparts, are citizens of this world who possess the same rights and privileges and who shouldn't be relegated to the background or just inside the kitchen and the bedroom. However, much as these women work hard to secure their rightful places under the heat of the sun and carry with them the other women who have yet to know what their rights are, will their methods succeed Will these peaceful means have a chance amidst guns, strong muscular men with animalistic desires and chauvinistic tendencies Can these non-violent efforts ever face up to a tyrannical leader or an authoritarian regime with a track record for vicious massacres and brutal raping of women's bodies and psyches In essence, social science research backs up the label of women as basically more collaborative compared to men and therefore are more disposed toward negotiation and concession. Surprisingly, women's status as second-class citizens is a way for empowerment, since it has made women proficient at searching for means and finding creative and pioneering ways to deal with problems. Since women are not entrenched in the confines of mainstream society, those in power view them as less intimidating permitting women to work without hindrance and "below the radar screen." Likewise, they are more accepted on the "other side," since it is presumed that they weren't engaged in the actual killing. Women usually opt an individuality, markedly that of mothers, that cuts across global boundaries and ethnic communes. With their roles as family nurturers, women have an immense outlay in the strength and solidity of their communities. And since women know their communities, they can anticipate the recognition and acceptance of peace efforts, as well as broker initiatives in their own neighborhoods (Hunt and Posa, 2001, p. 41). In other instances, women also act as useful and indispensable interface between their nations' security forces and the public, most especially in circumstances wherein swift feedback is imperative to prevent violence. A classic example was in Northern Ireland when women assisted the neutralization and pacified the usually dreadful "marching season" by smoothing the progress of mediations between Protestant Unionists and Catholic Nationalists. Such intervention provides an effectual extension of the limited resources of the local police and security forces. Another illustration was the case of the Sudanese Women's Voice for Peace which was to meet and talk with military leaders of several revolutionary groups. These meetings and talks gained the women access to areas contained by the rebel armies, a vital factor in the success or failure of humanitarian initiatives in war torn areas. Further, women have teamed up with the military to search for missing people, a common occurrence in the cycle of violence. Like in Colombia, women persevered in their demands for information concerning 150 persons abducted from a church in 1999 that military officers finally gave in and provided them space in a military base to become a strategy and information center. In this situation, the military worked hand in hand with the women and their families trying their best to tracks down and find the missing individuals. Gleaned from this example, it is evident that through moral suasion, local women often have influence, power, and the means to solve tight situations, where outsiders like human rights agencies, do not have (Hunt and Posa, 2001, p. 42). CONCLUSION Even in the face of hardships and coping with seemingly insurmountable difficulties, women in developing democracies and in war-torn countries, they are not playing the role of the silent victims. Many of them have not only persisted and survived a difficult transition; they were also at the core in the formation of a civil society. The disorienting transition has not stopped extraordinary women leaders from becoming as government ministers and heads of key national and municipal organizations. Their number is small as they smash through a thick glass ceiling difficult to break in the days of totalitarian rule. But once broken, that blockade can never be sealed again. Accounts abound of women finding their voices in post-communist Europe, in war-torn Middle East countries, poverty-stricken Third World nations, and what they're calling and aiming for is nothing less than a fair, righteous and humane society where women are treated with great respect and seen as independent, self-sufficient individuals. As courageous and daring women echo our own values, it is also in every woman's interest to amplify their voices. It cannot be denied that in these women's movements, there are still numerous contentions that need to be answered, disagreements eased up, new methods to explore and implement, and a whole new set of courage and determination to face up to thousands of challenges. As it is, the 20th century has been a time of turbulent cataclysm and a redefinition for both men and women, as well as the activist groups that are present and are in existence in the dynamic and erratic political and social backdrop. The WIB, other feminists and pacifists, whatever their motivations and whatever outcomes will surface, have definitely achieved an increased public awareness about the consequences of war and nuclear power and many other issues that may have otherwise languished in obscurity and paved the way for legal changes to women's rights. REFERENCES Hunt, S. (1997). Women's vital voices: The costs of exclusion in Eastern Europe. Foreign Affairs, 76, 4, p. 4 Hunt, S and Posa, C. (2001). Women waging peace: Inclusive security. Foreign Policy, May/June Issue. Available at www.foreignpolicy.com Women in Black. (1992). "Women in Black against war." Women For Peace Anthology. Belgrade: Women in Black. Cockburn, C. "Feminist Antimilitarism: Scope, Problematic and Difficulties in a Global Social Movement. Lecture for the Colloquium "Intended and Unintended Suffering: The Legacy of Meg Stacey's Ideas and Works. Delivered June 29, 2005 Ruddick, S. (1990). Maternal thinking: Towards a politics of peace,. London : Women's Press, Women in Black. (1993) "Women in Black." Women For Peace Anthology. Belgrade: Women in Black. Read More