Theory of Hegemonic Stability - Essay Example

Hegemony Hegemony is associated with the domination of the weak by the strong and of the many by a few and is therefore deemed to be the kind of condition in human relations that is to be condemned and rejected. However, it has remained an important concept in so far as international relations are concerned, because it invariably occurs with a regular frequency, with some State or the other popping up to exercise hegemonic power. Some experts have argued that hegemony or the predominance of one State over others is a necessary element in the preservation of international rules and order. According to the theory of hegemonic stability, “hegemonic structures of power, dominated by a single country, are most conducive towards the development of strong international regimes” so that the norms and rules of a liberal economic order that is characterized by free market principles of openness and non discrimination.1 Kindleberger states that “For the world economy to be stabilized, there has to be a stabilizer, one stabilizer.”2 As a result, hegemony is that state of international affairs where a single State assumes predominance and utilizes that predominance in order to manage world affairs and it is the hegemon that sets out to manage the world economy by setting out the rules which establish some order and predictability in international trade and finance. The hegemonic power has both the ability and the willingness to establish as well as to maintain the rules that exist in the international economic order. However, as Gilpin points out, it is not strictly necessary for a hegemonic power to exist in order for an international economy to survive and function; rather it is a liberal economic order that is based upon free market principles and non discrimination which would be unable to flourish and reach its full potential without the presence of a hegemonic power.3 The structure of the domestic economy of the hegemon as well as other countries must be geared such that there is a commitment to the market economy without which, it could lead to the emergence of imperial systems wherein the dominant power imposes political and economic restrictions on the lesser powers. There must also be a “congruence of social purpose” existing among the major economic powers; hence there are three important pre-requisites that must exist for the liberal system to expand and flourish – hegemony, liberal ideology and common interests4.(Gilpin, 1981, ch 3). The hegemonic system will also support the existence of other powerful states who accept the supremacy of the hegemon due to its status and prestige in the international political system; however the hegemonic system is likely to be weakened or deteriorate altogether if other States begin to regard the action of the hegemon as self serving and detrimental to their own political and economic interests. According to the theory of hegemonic stability, the existence of an open market economy is equivalent to the common good, such that consumption by one person does not reduce amounts available to other customers. Therefore individuals can consume collective goods without paying for them and some examples of such collective goods are traffic concessions made to one country being extended to others and the existence of a stable international currency, which the hegemon has the responsibility to guarantee. Some states may advance their own interests at the expense of others, therefore the existence of a hegemon is necessary to prevent cheating5. According to Keohane, the hegemon must have “control over raw materials, control over sources of capital, control over markets and competitive advantages in the production of highly valued goods.”6 The hegemon can exercise a considerable amount of influence because of the large size of its markets, so that it can create an economic sphere of influence; the United States for example has used its financial powers to reward those with access to capital markets and punish enemies by denying access.7 Hegemonic transition: The inherent weaknesses in the hegemonic theory of stability are that (a) it may sometimes be difficult to code when a state is “hegemonic” (b) whether the source of power of the hegemon is economic, political or military? (c) a poor sense of the process for how the political hegemon goes about establishing an open regime. In recent times, international institutions have become more important in maintaining world order.8 During the Cold War era, international politics was materialistic in which personal interests of States were shaped by their own national interests as a function of the existing geo economic realities. The end of the world War has shattered existing political beliefs and has given way to a growing role for international organizations, such as the United Nations. However, the prevailing view among UN insiders today is that the United Nations still remains an institution largely controlled by the United States; for example, China was kept out of the Security Council for many years until the United States approved its entry9. Keohane points out some of the difficulties that are inherent in the establishment of the hegemony of the United States throughout the world, since the propagation of the Western form of hegemony requires an adherence to democratic political principles, but there may be a democratic deficit in several countries of the world, caused by differing political and religious values, as in the Arab countries for example10. This democratic deficit also extends to most international institutions which are being run by the elites. This is the case with the International Monetary Fund, the WTO and even the European Union; however economic interdependence has altered the existing notions of sovereignty of individual states. One of the problems that needs to be solved in relation to international bodies is the question of how to make them effective on the one hand by restricting control into the hands of a few while also allowing for them to be accountable to democratic publics. There is a growing body of foreigners from the eastern and African states who are now members of the United Nations and are demanding more parity in world affairs. Keohane suggests that if the terms of multilateral cooperation must reflect the interest of broader democratic publics rather than merely the interests of the elite, then there must be higher levels of accountability to public opinion11. He suggests that one way to ensure international cooperation may be by the creation of networks from various countries among individuals and non governmental organizations, such as scientists and scholars. The growing thrust of globalization has necessitated transnational networks that must overcome political, religious and economic differences. To a great extent, the preservation of the United States as the hegemonic force has been made possible by the support from other western powers such as the European States. The end of the Cold War consolidated the position of the United States as the world’s strongest political and economic power, however in recent years this hegemony may be on a decline. There have been differences in the American and European experiences during the Cold War, and the European States have consolidated into the European Union and the dispute over the war in Iraq in 2003 has been gradually creating a drifting apart between European countries and the United states, since public opinion across Europe was not in favor of military moves against Iraq without a military mandate. As a result of the rift in values between Europe and the United States, the hegemony of the United States supported by Western hegemonic forces may be under threat12. The hitherto existing hegemony of the United States is being challenged in the Middle East, where unfavorable perceptions about its role in the war on Iraq have threatened its hegemonic role, with other Western democracies in Europe drifting away form it. In Asia, China had already tried to establish its primacy after the Second World War, but its Communist policies under Mao Tse Tung only succeeded in driving most of the Asian nations over in favor of the United States.13 However, the situation within Asia has now changed considerably and the United States is no longer viewed in the favorable manner it was before. The U.S. is increasingly being viewed as the dominant big brother trying to impose its own views and making demands on a variety of issues in Asia, from intellectual property to the environment. However, China on the other hand is consciously refraining from pushing its own policies and ideologies upon its neighbours. It s entering into partnerships and alliances with other Asian states and capitalizing on the desire of the Asian third world countries to establish their own bloc, free of interference from the Western powers. With the attention of the United States being diverted towards the war in Iraq, the timing is also perfect for China to quietly but effectively consolidate its position as an emerging leader of the Asian bloc of nations14. The military power of the United States has been a significant factor in its elevation to hegemonic status. China has been quietly building up its military arsenal. As Restall argues, the question of whom this military might is aimed at naturally raises the question of Taiwan where, the imposing Chinese military may forestall any attempts for independence. However, he proposes that the more likely solution is a quiet takeover by China of the traditional role assumed by the United States in Asia – that of military protector15. China can offer its military strength in support of its neighbors and thereby gain their cooperation and loyalty in much the same manner that the United States did. In addition to developing its military might, especially with assistance from Russia, China is also mellowing its former image as a hard line Communist nation by entering into strategic alliances, foreign direct investment, foreign aid, cultural exchanges and peace keeping in order to project a much more favorable image of itself not only as a military power, but also a force that supports the goals and motivations of the Asian countries.16 The ASEAN block of trading nations has also reversed its anti China stance to that of viewing China as a partner in trade. China does not pose a significant threat to the United States in terms of military power. However, it is still challenging American hegemony in the Asian region because it gaining more and more political bargaining power in the region, especially with the Six Party Talks that have drawn China and South Korea, the traditional ally of the United States, closer together. China appears set to assume a much more significant role in east Asia, especially with the onset of the American elections, where the election of a Democratic Government could result in a protectionist policy on the part of the United States, which may manifest as punitive tariffs on China to hold on to American jobs, which will have negative repercussions not only in China but throughout Asia.17 While Japan still remains an ally of the United States, it appears likely that rather than retaining its traditional hegemonic power in the Asian region, the United States may be relegated to the role of maintaining a balancing role in Asia, such that neither Japan nor China gains prominence in Asia. Bibliography * Gilpin, Robert 1981. “Theory of Hegemonic Stability” Cambridge University Press * Keohane, Robert O, 1980. “The Theory of Hegemonic Stability and changes in international Economic regimes” IN “Change in international Relations (Ole R Holsti, Ramdolph Siverson and Alexander George edn) Boulder: Westview Press * Keohane, Robert O, 1984. “After Hegemony: Cooperation and Disorder in World political economy.” Princeton: Princeton University Press * Keohane, Robert O, 1998. “International Institutions: Can interdependence work?” Foreign Policy, 110: 82-97 * Kindleberger, Charles P, 1973. “The World in Depression: 1929-1939.” Berkeley: University of California Press * Puchala, Donald J, 2005. “World Hegemony and the United Nations.” International Studies Review, 7:571-584. * Restall, Hugo, 2007. “China’s bid for Asian Hegemony” Far eastern Economic Review, 170(4): 10-15 Read More