Terrorism in a Globalized World - Essay Example

PTR300 Terrorism in a Globalized World: 2) Identify the main components of Australia’s counterterrorism policy and discuss critically how effectivethe policy has been in reducing/eliminating the threat of terrorism in Australia. Australia’s foreign policy has traditionally been interlinked with the Anglo-Saxon origins of its first inhabitants. In other words, Australia almost always stood alongside Britain and the United States on many contentious international issues, the latest of which is the War on Terror. In the eight years since its inception, it has become clear that further participation in the War on Terror would only worsen the security situation in and around Australia. An indication of what is in store can be learnt from the Bali bombing of October 2002, which took the lives of several innocent Australian citizens. This was interpreted by some commentators as the Jihadists’ way of warning Australia and deterring it in collaborating with the United States. But unfortunately, the message was ignored by the Australian government, putting its citizens at ever greater risk. Bali might not be officially Australian soil, but with the organization and skill with which the Islamic militants operate, it might not be long before Australia is made to pay for its ill advised alliance with imperialists further north (Abuza, 2003, p.170). With the apparent failure of its participation in the War of Terror campaign, the policy makers in Canberra should also remind themselves of the real causes of Bali bombings. The Establishment press, most of it owned or controlled by Rupert Murdoch and keen on promoting its own interests had presented a blanket view in its Bali reports. For example, the Australian mainstream media wants its citizens to believe that the terror attack in the Indonesian island was a sequel to the campaign of hatred against western way of life that was kick-started with September 11 attacks. But this view-point is not accurate. The South East Asia region has a large Muslim population. Indonesia is a thriving centre for Islamic scholarship and practice. But unfortunately, Australia had in the past sided with the oppressive Suharto regime (with the tacit support of the United States and Britain) and had indirectly aided injustice in the past. The Muslims in the region have every reason to feel aggrieved. What Australia needs to do is to keep its intelligence gathering efforts to a minimum and focus its energies on reaching out to its neighbours. A real change in the threat of terror will only come about when economic opportunism and imperialist ambition is replaced with humanitarian concern and noble statesmanship. It is becoming obvious that the best way forward for policy makers in Canberra is to sever strategic alliance with the United States and focus its energies on mending ties with its South East Asian neighbours (Bellamy, 2004, p.154). As the Australian government draws up plans to redress the threat of terror, it should also keep in mind that the electorate is increasingly gaining a broader awareness of geo-political situations. It can no longer hope that conventional policy frameworks (that were essentially based on imperialist lines) will get electoral approval. Australian authorities should remember a crucial distinction, if they are to succeed in their attempts to prevent Islamist militancy, namely that the role of leaders of terror networks is secondary to their message. For instance, even when Al Qaeda’s leader in Iraq Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was assassinated, there was no cessation in the local insurgency. Similarly, there is no conclusive evidence that Osama bin Laden is alive, yet the numbers of terror attacks targeted at western interests have seen an unprecedented rise since the events of September 11. Also, the Southeast Asian region is populated by numerous militant Islamist outfits, whose ideologies are nearly the same. The threat posed to Australian interests in Southeast Asia comes from small and marginalized groups who are spread all across the region. Alongside Jemaah Islamiah (JI) in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia; “we have the Kumpulan Mujahidin Malaysia; and al-Maunah in Malaysia; the Abu Sayaff in the southern Philippines; Pattani United Liberation Organization in southern Thailand; and Laskar Jihad, Majlis Mujahideen, and Islamic Defenders Front in Indonesia.” (Chehab, 2006, p.38) Hence the security measures taken so far by the Australian government is inadequate as it discounts the broader phenomenon of global Jihad. Given this backdrop, the best way forward is for Australia to rethink its responsibility toward its neighbours. Attempts at providing its citizens with travel warnings and probability of terror attacks are short sighted and ineffective in bringing peace and harmony to the region in particular and the world in general (Chehab, 2006, p.37). 3) Identify the main reasons for the growing popularity and strength of Islamic jihadi terrorist groups in Southeast Asia. Provide examples. To understand how Islamic jihad gained support in Southeast Asia, it is important to gain cognisance of its founding principle. And the present wave of Islamic revivalism and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Southeast Asia originated during the 1970s. The movement started as a reaction to the disillusionment and failure associated with modern neo-liberal economic policies. The first world has had longstanding association with Muslim-dominant nations that are oppressive, authoritarian and dictatorial. A prime example of this would be Saudi Arabia, with whom the United States and its allies (including Australia) don’t seem to have a problem, in spite of copious evidence of severe human rights violations within its borders (Smith, 2002, p.34). This apparent hypocrisy of the west had induced a sense of discontent and anger within the wider Islamic community. That is when influential Muslim thinkers such as like Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb involved themselves in social activism, which later spawned militant outfits like the Al Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiah. This point is illustrated succinctly in the following passage: “Islamic radicalism in Southeast Asia is not a sudden and recent phenomenon. In reality, it has been in the making for more than 20 years; its roots originate in events in the Middle East, the effects of which have reverberated worldwide. This in turn was facilitated by the impact of globalization and technological advancement. However, the catalytic role played by Al-Qaeda, especially since the early 1990s, is perhaps the single most significant factor in the global terrorist threat confronting the world today.” (De Castro, 2004, p.194) To gain a deeper understanding of the rise of Islamic militancy in Southeast Asia, we need to delve into its instigating causes. The first and the seemingly perennial of the three is the Israel-Palestine conflict. Ever since the installation of Israel in 1948, a status of second-class citizenship was imposed on the native Arab Muslims in the region. American interference in Iran, where it deposed democratically elected government and handed over the reigns to the Shah. The subsequent dilution in Islamic values in Iran as a result of Shah’s inclination toward modernity and his apathy toward declining economic conditions had enraged Iranians - a radical section within its population has pledged participation in Jihad. And thirdly, when the United States and the erstwhile Soviet Union played out their Cold war conflict in Afghanistan, its people felt “used and exploited” by the hegemonic western powers (Smith, 2002, p.33). These blatant political indiscretions on part of the First World and the more subtle cultural imperialism in the form of capitalism and material consumerism have provided sound rationale for organizations such as Al Qaeda (in Afganistan and the Middle East) and Jemaah Islamiah (in Southeast Asia) to fight for their right to self-determination. The key to the support of outfits such as Al Qaeda in Southeast Asia is the underlying common Islamic precept shared by its people. The various Islamist terror groups across the world are not distinguishable by ideology, for they all claim to fight for Islam in their respective regions. A powerful leader such as bin Laden was able to successfully franchise Islamic Jihad to a broad range of local Muslims, each with their own unique history of suffering and grievances. Hence, there is an aspect of fluidity in the locations/regions in which various units operate. Jemaah Islamiah was initially founded in Singapore, but now has spread its tentacles to other parts of South East Asia. It now poses the greatest threat to Australian interests. But even Jemaah Islamiah was inspired by Osama bin Laden and in that sense all these terrorist groups with different labels are essentially the same for all practical purposes. In other words, the common mandate provided by Osama bin Laden--a broad based jihad against the enemies of Islam--facilitates these outfits to persevere with their domestic struggles, but is contained within the broader global cause, namely, the defence of Islam. In Southeast Asia, some important groups that came under the influence of Al-Qaeda, include “the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), the KMM, and Jemaah Islamiah” (Brimley, 2006, p.30). PTR320 Authoritarianism and Democracy in Asia: 5) Why has the end of authoritarianism in Asia not always resulted in a clear transition to Democracy? Where possible, cite particular country examples. The political configurations of constituent nations in the Asian continent have seen many significant changes over the last fifty years. The conclusion of the Second World War served as the precipitant event in transforming the erstwhile colonies in Asia into independent, sovereign nations. But, not all transformations have led to positive consequences. It would be simplistic to not look beyond official labels attached to governments in these nations. For example, classifying an Asian nation as a democracy or a dictatorship without taking into account the complex and often subtle political realities can lead to distorted perceptions. A nuanced approach is required to understand the real social, economic and demographic parameters that define a civil society and evaluate political transitions in Asia in this context. Many analysts have pointed out that the salient features of a vibrant democracy are quite different from superficial symbols of a democratic setup as seen in many countries across Asia. For example, in countries such as Indonesia, Philippines, etc, which were colonies of European imperial powers until half a century back, the effects of the protracted period of imperialism are still evident in the way their institutions function. These post-colonial societies are at crossroads of history and have to overcome challenges in the realm of economics and politics if they are to emerge as competent players in the new world order. Another important aspect of post-independent history of this region is the blatant disregard for legislative power as well as the judiciary. As a result, several leaders have misappropriated their executive powers to impose emergency rule over the citizens and civil institutions, making the institution of democracy a total farce. While several justifications have been forwarded for the application of emergency powers, none has been accepted as valid by neutral observers of the international community. This infringement on legal and parliamentary authority had happened in almost all nations of the South East Asian bloc, including Indonesia and Philippines, which is ironical considering the fact that these two nations were supposed to be the more advanced in the region. The invoking of emergency powers by President Fidel Ramos in Philippines remains a classic case of abuse of power (Razack, 2006). A disturbing trend witnessed in East Asian democracies is the smooth transformation of the old authoritarian elite into top leadership of political parties. This defeats the very purpose of intended progressive changes, as those individuals accustomed to exercising autocratic rule assume roles in democratic institutions. Author Mervyn Bendle cites the example of the KMT in Thailand, the leaders of which held undisputed power in the country’s days of dictatorship as well as in the new period of democracy. While political organization might have changed for the better, the regime has effectively been the same. The successful entry of authoritarian ruling class into democratic institutions is achieved, as in Thailand and Philippines, through patronage and intimidation of uninformed, illiterate and underprivileged masses. This is clearly evident from the re-emergence of autocrats from the Marcos era in the Philippines. So, political transitions in Asia need to be seen in their overall impact on civil society, as opposed to basing the assessment on token and illusory indicators of progress and prosperity (Bendle, 2005). A deeper analysis of the Asian polity reveals several nexuses between political parties and business corporations. In almost all countries of the region, the influential business class interferes in democratic processes, thereby undermining the will of the electorate. Razack terms this phenomenon as “money politics”, where political manoeuvres that favour business interests can be bought with money. The disconnection between the military and electoral democracy is another major concern for people of the region. The South East Asian region had seen its share of military coups, which subvert the power of the citizens in determining political outcomes. The central financial institutions of the region wield too much power in shaping economic policies. Moreover, the central banks of Thailand and Korea basically act as agents of the IMF. The policy framework within which they work ensures that the international economic order is maintained, even at the cost of depriving its own citizens’ basic necessities of living (Razack, 2006). These socio-political and economic conditions have meant that the end of authoritarianism in Asian countries have not always led to functioning democracies. 7) Critically discuss the proposition that the internet is a tool for greater democratization. Where possible, cite particular country examples in Asia. As Asia looks forward to a progressive future, the technologies of mass communication will play an important role. At this point in time, it is the Internet, with its various forms of information dispersal. But, as this medium becomes more common place, the wielders of power will attempt to put restrictions on its use. Empirical evidence shows that the Internet can be successfully controlled. A case in point is the drastic concessions that Yahoo Inc. was compelled to make to facilitate enforcement of local laws. If local laws are not enforced through the Internet, the service providers may be forced to adopt the most stringent among them in an effort to breach none. But, this is only hypothetical and it is equally likely that the most liberal (the least restrictive) among the set of national laws would be chosen. In fact, during the last few years of the twentieth century, when the Internet was growing and consolidating, it was at its most liberal and least regulated (Milton Mueller, 2007). This period saw the rise of several progressive movements for social change, predominantly in the continents of Latin America and Asia, which availed of the Internet’s potential to organize people at the grassroots and promulgate their cause. A classic example is the success of World Social Forum (WSF), an annual event organized by nations in the global south to discuss political reform and social progress. The Internet has had an important role in bringing these scattered communities across the Third World together. For most Asian countries, the WSF is more important than the World Economic Forum (WEF). While unregulated Internet has the potential to undermine governmental authority, they do provide other beneficial opportunities (Milton Mueller, 2007). The issue of regulating internet content is very contentious, given the exponential growth in Asia, for both commercial and informational purposes. A case study of Asia’s most promising country - China - and its government’s view of the Internet would serve to illustrate the broader issues pertaining to democracy in the age of Internet. The case of Chinese government’s control over Internet content in the country has attracted much criticism from human rights advocates. All internal communication of Chinese citizens are monitored and filtered for content that could be potentially subversive. This meant that those indigenous Tibetans who still reside in Tibetan Autonomous Region, cannot voice their opinions on this contentious issue. This suppression of free speech is particularly odd, given that the Internet has served as an instrument for promoting civil liberties and progressive causes in the rest of the world. Such repressive tendencies in Asia’s most promising nation betray a lack of correlation between economic prosperity and international recognition on the one hand and harsh internal social realities on the other (Dickson, 2006). However, it is a sign of progress in Asia, that through the same medium of communication exiled Tibetans have organized their protests and demonstrations against the authoritarianism of the Communist Party in China. For instance, in the lead up to the Olympic Games in Beijing last year, the Chinese authorities had a tough time dealing with Tibetan protesters. The power of new digital technology to facilitate legitimate political dissent is something that needs to be preserved and encouraged. Irrespective of the fact that Tibet had traditionally been a feudal society ridden with oppression and brutality, neutral political commentators across the world agree that the Tibetan fight for liberation from China is not unreasonable. If a small group of exiled Tibetans can make such valid political statements, the inclusion of Tibetans still residing in the plateau in this process might have led to substantial political changes, which goes on to suggest that progressive political transitions in Asia will find greater expression if technological advancement is used constructively. From this Tibetan example, one can clearly see how a free Internet will help social justice and democracy in Asia and beyond (Goldsmith & Wu, 2006). References: Abuza, Zachary., "Funding Terrorism in Southeast Asia: The Financial Network of Al Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiya." Contemporary Southeast Asia 25, no. 2 (2003): 169+. Bellamy, Alex J. "Terrorism, Freedom and Security: Winning without War." The Australian Journal of Politics and History 50, no. 1 (2004): 153+. Brimley, Shawn. "Tentacles of Jihad: Targeting Transnational Support Networks." Parameters 36, no. 2 (2006): 30+. Chehab, Zaki. "Al-Qaeda: Still a Step Ahead; Why the Organisational Skills of Osama Bin Laden and His Deputy Ayman Al-Zawahiri Continue to Outwit the West.", New Statesman, July 3, 2006, 37. De Castro, Renato Cruz. 2004. Addressing International Terrorism in Southeast Asia: A Matter of Strategic or Functional Approach?. Contemporary Southeast Asia 26, no. 2: 193+. Snyder, Craig A. 2006., Southeast Asian Perceptions of Australias Foreign Policy. Contemporary Southeast Asia 28, no. 2: 322+. . Dickson, B. J. (2006)., The Chinese Communist Party in Reform. Pacific Affairs, 79(4), 672+., Razack, Sherene, 2006, Civil Society and Its Enemies; The Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 52, 11+ Bendle, Mervyn F., 2005, Geopolitics, Culture Clash and Gender; Social Justice, Vol. 32, 115+ Jack Goldsmith & Timothy Wu, 2006, Who Controls the Internet?: Illusions of a Borderless World. Milton Mueller, 2007, The New Cyber-Conservatism: Goldsmith/Wu and the Premature Triumphalism of the Territorial Nation-State. Read More