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Chinese Aid in Africa - Essay Example

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The purpose of the paper “Chinese Aid in Africa” is to examine the increased role in the global economic arena of China and India. There is increased discussion on how to harness these two giant economies to further global economic expansion despite its various differences in culture…
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& No Political, Economic and Social Impacts (Chinese Aid in Africa) 06 January Introduction The world order today has been significantly altered by the tectonic shifts in economic and political prowess of China and India. Although admittedly not unique, these two giants in Asia now have the wherewithal to influence world events if and when they want to do so. The global economic crisis saw the imminent sole superpower remaining badly damaged by crisis largely of its own making from uncontrolled corporate greed and ignored market risks. A new century, the Asian century, is taking shape and taking shape very fast due to the dynamic and very fast-paced growth of these two giant economies. If nothing else, it is noteworthy that the two Asian giants are not so badly affected by the global economic downturn, unlike America which is still struggling to recover the 8 million jobs lost during the recession and undergoing a weak economic recovery. Without China and India, the world might have fared worse when the usual export markets of the United States and Europe are weak and cannot sustain demand for the worlds manufactured exports. Their domestic markets saved the day. Because of this increased role in the global economic arena, China and India has been under increased scrutiny from economists and politicians alike. There is increased discussion on how to harness these two giant economies to further global economic expansion despite its various differences in culture, strategic objectives, language and political environment. In the case of China, its history and culture is so vastly different from the West it has developed its own way of dealing with the new role and responsibility of suddenly being an economic and also military superpower. Although China and India are somewhat different from each other, it can be said their economic growth paths are not entirely unique (Kaplinsky & Messner 1). The impact of the two countries on the global political economy is largely due to their sheer size, both in terms of the economic output and population size. China alone accounts for nearly 20% portion of the entire human race while India accounts for 17%, as of year 2004. It is quite interesting to see which country achieves first an economic miracle in terms of actual reduction in poverty levels. India had largely been self-sufficient as it was self-contained and started later than China in introducing free market and capitalist reforms (1992) while China had shed its socialist economic policies earlier (1979). By the year 2030, India is expected to be more populous (1.593 billion people) than Chinas (1.392 billion) due to the latters strict implementation of a birth control program (Vittachi 1). Between the two countries, it is China that is attracting more attention because it is big and its economic growth almost meteoric. Back in 2004, its foreign exchange reserves stood at a mere $400 billion but in a short span of six years, it is now the world’s largest at about an estimated $2 trillion. Additionally, China’s economy is approximately four times that of India and the savings rate of ordinary citizens is likewise tilted in China’s favour in terms of GDP where Chinese citizens generally save more than they spend resulting in a huge savings pool and used to fund massive capital expenditures by the state enterprises. After many decades of self-imposed seclusion from the world economic order, China is awakening with a vengeance and doing things in a very speedy manner to make up for lost time, it seems. Likewise, China’s economy is more integrated to the regional network of Asia (East Asian and South-east Asian trade blocs) and has a decidedly more impact on the region. China’s rapid economic growth can be sustained only if it can get its hands on crucial energy and mineral resources for its voracious industries. In this context, this paper looks at Chinese involvement in faraway places to obtain those crucial resources to feed its growth, especially in Africa, where it now gets a big proportion of its oil requirements. Discussion China today can be considered as a country out to reclaim its rightful place in history. It means the Chinese people have a proud and very long history, being the only continuously existing civilization in the world today dating back several thousands of years. It can claim to having invented or discovered a number of significant innovations which brought beneficial contributions to human civilization such as paper, the compass, printing, silk, currency and of course, gunpowder. Although other civilizations had pre-dated Chinese civilization, they are no longer in existence today, such as the Egyptian or the Assyrian or the Mesopotamian or the Sanskrit civilizations. In this regard, being an old civilization, China claims to have reached parts of Africa as early as during the Ming Dynasty (between 1418 – 1433) but did not do any colonization of the land nor taken any captives to be sold off as slaves (Brautigam 23). The Chinese fleet under its Muslim admiral Zheng He only took a giraffe as souvenir and some herbs and other medicinal compounds for use and further study. Until around 1400 A.D., China was already a superpower and an advanced nation technologically, culturally and also scientifically. It was after that period when China started to decline due to its isolationist policies and got left behind by the rest of the world which resulted into its ultimate break up as an empire due to its military weakness and got colonized by the Western powers. So, as far as Chinese engagement in Africa today is concerned, it is not something that is entirely new if viewed from the perspective of history. What is different is the degree and a depth of engagement unseen before in pursuit of precious energy and mineral resources that Africa can offer to a resource-hungry industrialising China. Moreover, the Chinese approach to giving aid and concessional financing for infrastructure uses the so-called “soft approach” rather than a hard-line approach by not imposing any conditionality for their aid. China is spreading its wings again and its resurgence is merely an attempt to recapture past glory. The previous discussion is a little digression in order to put things and views in proper perspective. If today’s countries are a bit worried about China’s increasing influence, it can be said also that there is some basis for their concerns. However, with the hindsight of history, it is clear that China has as much right to its own place in the sun like anyone else. Further, this country had been a power several centuries even before the United States of America came into being as a British colony. Although the Chinese politicians are particularly sensitive to the issues raised against a resurgent China, the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party also like to exercise the powers and pomp of a true global power. In fact, foreign business people in China got accustomed to top Chinese politicians affecting the pretensions of old emperors. Despite having opened its country and embraced economic reforms, the government and in particular, the Communist Party, remain very powerful. All state policies undergo rigid vetting from the top echelons of the party and nothing moves or gets done without approval. In most instances, the government bureaucrats want to avoid confrontation if possible and try to devise alternatives to reach an accommodation with the foreign business people in China. However, when push comes to shove, these bureaucrats do not hesitate to use state powers to impose their regulations and they have even adopted the same forbidding tenor which Chinese emperors used before in giving out edicts, ending with the phrase “tremble and obey” which means they do not want to be trifled with and expect to be followed (McGregor 128). China has come a long way since it opened up three decades ago under its paramount leader Deng Xiao Ping and continues to march forward. Today, it is no longer viewed as threat but rather as a vital partner in constructive cooperation with more developed Western nations and in particular with the United States. This bilateral relationship is crucial also to Chinas long term geo-political goals and aspirations (Brzezinski 1). Although significant differences of opinion exist on several global issues, efforts to “contain” China are irrelevant these days. South-South Cooperation – China’s entry into the world economic stage is a precedent of sorts because this country approaches foreign aid differently. China is famous for its “way of the mean” as expounded by Confucius and is one of the pillars in Chinese philosophy. Put simply, it means avoiding excesses and act in moderation. Because of this profound principle, China always seems to find a third way which tries to accommodate everybody while at the same time avoiding confrontational situations. This type of thinking is manifested in various ways, which essentially entails finding common ground between negotiations. Put differently, this principle seeks a “win-win” situation and this is being pursued in Africa by China. After China’s long decline in previous centuries, the country suffered humiliation and indignity at the hands of foreigners variously termed as “barbarians” who fouled up Chinese culture. It knew how it was to suffer colonization and the loss of sovereignty and therefore it knows perfectly how Africans felt while it was in turn colonized by the Western powers. It is this sensitivity to post-colonial feelings that allowed China to establish a foothold in faraway places like Africa, South America and Central Asia today in pursuit of its needed resources. Some foreign policy analysts describe China’s presence in Africa as a “perfect marriage” although it is admittedly a marriage of expedience and convenience (Ferreira 296). China is famous for a lot of things like acupuncture, feng shui, calligraphy and also the very teachings of Confucius which advocates scholarly discussion of issues rather than taking matters by force. The leaders of China today have likewise applied an approach of moderation by predominantly employing diplomacy to achieve its economic and geo-political aims in whatever region of the world it wants to operate. If there are some sticky issues to be resolved and resolved quickly, then it is almost assured that China can find a third way to go forward. It is in this context that today’s South-South cooperation spearheaded by the two countries of China and India need to be viewed within the larger arena of world politics. For many African and other poor countries of the world, China had shown to them that it can be done, that is, rise from poverty to become a major player in the global economy. It is no coincidence that many poor countries want to emulate the Chinese model of development because it was achieved mainly on its own efforts without the dictates of Western financial institutions like the World Bank (WB) or the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In a sense, most African nations view China as one of their own, having been poor for many years and now having achieved the almost impossible feat of becoming the second-largest economy. If viewed through this prism, China’s achievements can provide an alternative model for many other nations dreaming of attaining similar economic progress. China comes knocking on Africa without any conditions as contrasted to the Western aid donors. There are no demands for transparency, governance, human rights issues and lots of other issues like environmental protection agenda, climate change worries and certainly an attitude of non-interference in domestic affairs of the African countries. The key words being used by Chinese leaders, dignitaries, diplomats and emissaries are “strategic partnership” and “economic cooperation” both of which will ultimately result into a “win-win” situation for all countries concerned. In short, most of Chinese aid does not have strings attached to it. Perhaps the Chinese attitude towards aid giving and economic engagements in the continent of Africa is one of “live and let live” which translates to non-interference. It is not very surprising that Beijing follows this political principle of non-interference because it had been strict also about other superpowers trying to interfere in Chinese domestic issues like the human rights abuses, lack of press freedoms and political suppression in China. For the many African countries desperate for aid, any donor is welcome but the Chinese are most welcome precisely of this non-interference attitude towards their many African aid recipients. China is a welcome alternative to Western donors who impose so many demands in return for aid. Angola – no other African country attracts so much Chinese funding than Angola. It is due to its rich mineral resources but one resource in particular is the reason for all this funding generously provided by China: black gold. Oil is one energy resource that Angola has plenty of, which also happened to be what China desperately needs to fuel its economic juggernaut. It can be said that this is a perfect example of the so-called “marriage of convenience” earlier mentioned as characteristic of China’s engagement in Africa today. China happened to have what Angola needed at the end of its long civil war: plenty of money for its reconstruction. In a word, China happened to be at the right place at the right time. Angola was desperate for funds to rebuild its infrastructure destroyed by long years of a savage civil war but many international financial institutions required the country to embark or embrace certain structural reforms prior to granting credit. China saw an opportunity to go in the country by providing plenty of funds without so many conditions attached to it. All that China wants is access to petroleum which Angola has plenty of such that today, this country had replaced Saudi Arabia as China’s biggest supplier of crude oil. Coincidentally, China now imports 40% of its oil requirements and one-third of that comes from Africa with a big portion of it coming only from two African countries – Angola and Sudan (Lammers 1). China’s presence in Angola is described as a case of perfect timing (Ferreira 299) with important phrases underpinning these two countries relationship: “a pragmatic posture” that is designed to be mutually beneficial; and the second is what most of African nations very much like to hear these days: “no political preconditions whatsoever.” The speed and size of loans given to Angola is astounding but more noteworthy is that the loans were given concessional rates (1.7% for the first 12 years with an extension of 5 years for a total period of 17 years). It is very hard to get a loan like that with very generous terms these days anywhere in the world. However, Chinese loans and foreign direct investments are almost always resource-oriented. This is a concrete example of giving out pragmatic state financing from the viewpoint of China. As the donor, it wants something for something, a classic quid pro quo. Subsequent negotiations and additional credit lines reduced the interest rate to only 0.25% (ibid. 300). The Chinese financing extended to Angola by both public and private sources amounted to about $7 billion (ibid. 301). China is financing the country’s expansion of its telecommunications network and improving its fisheries sector. In a nutshell, Chinese presence in Angola can be summed up into three categories: external trade, foreign direct investment and public works. Bilateral trade between China and Angola had reached $5 billion in 2006 and expected to grow further with Chinese provision of its soft loans for the country (Rupp 65). Africa is seen as a vast market by Chinese traders and manufacturers with so many interior areas of the continent not served by retail outlets which the Chinese entrepreneurs are happy to provide. Angola is now Chinas second-largest African trading partner. However, no accurate records are available from both sides; this is suspected to be done intentionally so that observers or any civil society groups within Angola are unable to challenge or scrutinize its huge receipts gained from China and how these funds were used and who benefited from them (ibid.). Back in 2006, Angola became Chinas largest oil supplier, surpassing both Saudi Arabia and Iran. Due to its vast natural resources, especially petroleum, China infused a lot of foreign direct investments (FDI) into the country and China is perceived to be in the country for the long haul. However, the Chinese FDI into Angola is still considered to be small if compared to other countries like Portugal (the former colonial master) with about $200 million which is 57% of the countrys total FDI back in 2006 (Morrison, Cooke & Campos 45). Much of this Chinese FDI is in the extractive industries of mining for resources and oil, especially those located offshore. China is expected to join a new bidding for 10 oil exploration blocks but the country of Angola clearly wants additional investments in non-oil sectors of its economy. The countrys basic public works infrastructure is badly in need of renovation and also upgrading since most of it date back to its colonial times and had seen better days. Chinas aid and trade approach applies equally well to its offer to help rehabilitate Angolan infrastructure. These development projects in Angola fit perfectly well with the Chinese strategic aspirations using the basic “trade and aid” approach by expanding Chinas influence in countries that had previously been reliant on Western help. These Chinese offers of help target the roads, bridges and both sea and air ports which are viewed by the local populace as beneficial, not predatory unlike their previous experience with their Western colonial masters. However, all trade and aid packages are intertwined with political implications for both nations. Angola estimated it will need around $20 billion just to guarantee successful infrastructure reconstruction. The current warm relationship between Luanda (capital of Angola) and Beijing is a big surprise considering their early animosities during the height of the Cold War. Again, the new relations are a significant demonstration of the Chinese penchant for seeking out amicable and win-win solutions. Previously, the irritant between the two countries is the presence of Cuban troops which China perceived as proxies of the Soviet Union, its Cold War arch-enemy but it now leaves the issue entirely to Angola. Again, this is an example of Chinas avowed policy of non-interference in the domestic affairs of its African partners. At any rate, all it cares about is being able to obtain needed resources regardless of ideological persuasions (Columbus 91). By the end of 2007, Angola became Chinas largest African trading partner with trade volume reaching about $11 billion (Alden 67). The Beijing Consensus is clearly at work in the country of Angola and it seems to be working perfectly well, as measured by the billions of investments in various sectors like oil and mineral extraction. Moreover, there is now quite a big presence of Chinese migrants in the country, displacing the Portuguese as largest minority and foreign labour force in the country; there are plans to establish a Chinatown in Luanda. Sudan – this northeastern African country is one of the largest nations on the continent and like Angola, also has a lot of oil reserves. The people have a long history dating back to antiquity due to its proximity with Egypt. The country only recently stopped its civil war that raged between the Muslim north and the Christian south, with the Christians now granted autonomy but with referendum scheduled for this year for its secession from the north and to finally become a separate and independent country. Incidentally, most of the countrys vast oil reserves are located in the southern regions of the present Sudan. The Chinese entry into Sudan likewise followed almost the same circumstances when it also entered Angola, one of fortuitous events and pure luck. When the Sudanese civil war dragged on for years with no clear winner, a young colonel by the name of Omar Hassan al-Bashir staged a successful coup in 1989 and seized power, quickly promoting himself to a one star general and self-proclaimed as Sudans president-for-life. However, he was not successful in winning the civil war just like his predecessor and then sought Chinese help after he had expelled Chevron, General Motors and other US business firms from the country due to a spat about handing over a certain Osama bin Laden who was then living in Khartoum, its capital (Michel, Beuret & Woods 150). China saw an opportunity to help, gain access to oil and at the same time enhance its diplomatic standing after the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre of its own students. China needed allies and most of them were from Africa, including Sudan. Chinese presence in Sudan is complicated by the on-going war in Darfur which many people now view as genocide. China is in the country mainly for its oil but is being pilloried and attacked in the international press for not doing something to stop the killings in Darfur. In particular, China is criticized for doing business with a dictatorship although it is just doing or practising what it preaches which is non-interference in the domestic political affairs of its trading partners. The West and the U.S. wants trade sanctions imposed on Sudan by China. Mauritius – this is a small island nation off the southeastern coast of Africa. It is quite a unique country because there are no known indigenous people living on the island before it was discovered and colonized by the French. Today, the nation is composed of almost equal numbers of Africans, Indians, Chinese and French peoples where everybody lives in harmony. Mauritius is located east of Madagascar and is quite famous for being the home of the dodo, a large bird that became extinct and used as a symbol of the dangers of extinction of a species. The island’s name was derived from the Dutch sailors who had visited the island but only left it uninhabited; Arab and Malay sailors likewise made occasional visits but did not stay long. This country is unique in many ways as well. It has a high literacy rate with most of its citizens being either bilingual or even trilingual. It has the sixth-highest GDP in Africa which is about $12,500 in 2009 and has successfully transformed its low-income agriculture-based economy to a dynamic industrial, financial and tourism-related vibrant economy. It adopted a dual-track path towards economic liberalisation based mainly on foreign direct investments to the country and as a result achieved an astounding economic progress that had filtered down to the grassroots level and vastly improved the human development of its ordinary citizens. Unlike other African nations, Mauritius has been a strong democracy for decades and there are no armed conflicts or civil wars or coups on the island. This wonderful island nation is now trying to convert itself into a “cyber island” by offering itself up as a good centre for the business process outsourcing (BPO) industry. Its relative isolation from the African main land has afforded it relative peace and stability which is used to lure in potential investors. Its other unique feature is that this island has practically no mineral resources or oil to attract its investors except beautiful beaches (Brautigam 4). Despite these shortcomings, Mauritius has been attracting FDI inflows to the tune of several billion dollars in its incipient textile industry and is also working towards establishing free trade zones similar to what China did years ago. By African standards, Mauritius is an upper middle-income country and has received little aid. However, what it encourages are investments and concessional loans to fund it own infrastructure projects and there are deals to re-open some old copper mines for rehabilitation. The nation offers itself up as the gateway to Africa for Chinese investors who are putting up manufacturing plants within the special economic zones (SEZs) and the government is trying to encourage investments in value-added manufacturing like textiles, medicines, electronics, electrical products and industrial goods (Davies 145). Chinese investments in Mauritius focus on developing markets for its products and infrastructure construction. This is an example of recent Chinese moves to instead emphasize its economic diplomacy (Wortzel 238). Comparative Analysis – the policies, both economic and diplomatic, being pursued by China in Africa cannot be considered to be a one-size fits-all approach. Instead, China is very careful to tailor-fit each investment in a particular country to the various nuances of dealing with that country, at the same time observing its paramount non-interference principle. In the case of Angola, China had been involved with the country since its civil war days, providing aid to the rebel group UNITA of Jonas M. Savimbi. Considering the Marxist-backed MPLA eventually won that war, China was able to achieve a remarkable turnaround by being able to establish diplomatic and economic channels in Angola after the death of Savimbi. In the case of Sudan, Chinese involvement is complicated by the same civil war (which is still on-going and recently stopped due to a ceasefire for the upcoming referendum scheduled this year). Furthermore, Sudan has been branded by most of Western nations as a rogue state due to the Darfur crisis which is classified as a genocide and yet China continues to deal with Sudan for its oil. Western efforts to impose sanctions fail because other nations like China refuse to join the trade embargo. Mauritius is deemed a special case in terms of Chinese investments due to its lack of natural resources and its only potential value is as BPO and SEZ centre. Benefits for China – this section discusses some of the benefits that China derives due to an enhanced presence in Africa. With China relatively unscathed from the global economic crisis and still posting respectable growth figures this year and in the foreseeable near future, even some Chinese optimists are already feeling triumphant about the impending victory in surpassing the United States economically and finally becoming the largest economy. This is a bit premature since China still has a long way to go although admittedly, it is not something that is deemed impossible, with America still limping along from the effects of the crisis. It is a big feeling of vindication for China to have eclipsed Russia (or the former Soviet Union) for pre-eminence in the socialist spheres of the world; there is undoubtedly an upbeat feeling in China that it is a first among equals, this as far as the BRIC grouping is concerned (composed of Brazil, Russia, India and China). China is no longer a pushover these days. Political – in today’s altered world economic order, China is carrying a big stick when it comes to world affairs. However, China does its very best not to arouse the suspicions and worries of its nearby neighbours in Asia (mainly Japan and the ASEAN countries) and always emphasizes it has nothing but good intentions through its economic diplomacy except perhaps in the case of Taiwan, considered an exception to the Chinese policy of non-interference. The voice of China carries much weight these days among political and diplomatic circles because of its perceived economic might. Proximate neighbouring countries in Asia always worry how a resurgent China will change the geo-politics of their region because of their proximity and of sharing some common land borders and sea lanes. However, the same worries cannot be visited on the African countries which had been eagerly welcoming and embracing Chinese aid and trade because of their geographic distance. China today has no military might to project its power beyond its immediate borders as it has no large ocean-going navy (just a few aircraft carriers) and no long-range air force as well. All that China aims for is an enhanced prestige and regain respect that was lost during its long and slow decline from being a superpower in the fifteenth century. In a sense, Chinese feel they are merely reclaiming their rightful place among nations which was lost when it was a colony and suffered being carved up into special zones by the Western imperialist powers as called for in the extraterritorial treaties (even Japan joined in claiming its share of China then) and is very sensitive to the unspoken fears of some policy thinkers and analysts about China is now becoming a new colonial power in Africa by exploiting its resources. Economic – the most obvious benefits of Chinese involvement and investments in the African continent is opening up newer markets for its cheap consumer goods and at the same time provided it with a reliable supply of mineral resources and oil needed for a sustained rise in economic production and continued growth. China is likewise very conscious of a concept called “peak oil” which is why it is madly scrambling to invest heavily in renewable energy sources, especially wind power. It knows it cannot rely forever on African countries to supply it with oil when it is non-renewable and fast declining worldwide. For growth to continue, the Chinese leaders have searched far and wide for oil suppliers, reaching Latin American and in Central Asia which is practically on its backdoor but the only remaining large area still to be explored and exploited is in the South China Sea which is plagued by a big political problem as the Spratly Islands Group is claimed by a number of countries (Deffeyes 9). China also takes special pride in having joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) nearly a decade ahead of Russia, its former enemy during the Cold War period (Russia is also expected to join the WTO sometime this year). The increasing Chinese investments and aid in Africa has forced China to take some positions with regards to important issues that concern a few civil society groups in Africa, namely Chinese attitudes towards repressive governments. As a result, China has expressed a wish that the Darfur issue be resolved as soon as possible with Pres. Hu Jin Tao calling for a comprehensive political solution to the Darfur conflict. Social – in a sense, China is just returning again to Africa after several centuries of gap or absence since Admiral Zheng He sailed to the African coast in looking for trade prospects. The vast but relatively under-populated African continent is now home to several hundreds of thousands of Chinese workers, immigrants and entrepreneurs. Despite language differences, there is generally a harmonious relationship between the Chinese and African locals although there are isolated instances of social conflicts, such as rioting and several fracas due to some cultural misunderstanding. There are places where the Chinese have integrated well into their new environs such as Cape Verde and Mauritius without any of the usual irritants between two vastly different cultures (Carling & Haugen 319). Inter-racial marriages have eased the way for the Chinese immigrants and many of them are now well-settled like the locals. There are now significant Chinese communities across most of Africa, some with Chinese language newspapers and Chinese apothecaries selling alternative herbal medicines. For example, there are approximately 50,000 Chinese residents in Nigeria today, a far bigger community than the British ever were even at the height of its Empire heyday (Walsh 9). An Attractive Alternative – the rise of China and its continued economic expansion is viewed by most poor nations as an attractive and viable alternative to the road to prosperity. China can rightly claim to have some credibility when it comes to its development model as it was able to lift out of absolute poverty millions of Chinese in a short span of time that is twice the population of re-unified Germany (Buzan & Foot 88). The new South-South cooperation was something that was not thought possible by the old Western colonial powers but which China had demonstrated to be a viable and working alternative to the usual model of Western aid which neglected to emphasize basic public infrastructure, economic production and also university education using scholarships (Brautigam 11). South-South cooperation is not new but China has added a new twist to it by being simpler and less changeable. This is the same aid model used by developing countries like Brazil, Saudi Arabia and India (Kragelund vi). Conclusion Most of Chinese funding for Africa does not fall under the definition of aid as defined by the United Nations. Rather, these financing comes in the form of concessional loans that were state-directed by Chinese authorities back in Beijing to promote their own agenda which are primarily strategic diplomacy, commercial interests and to a lesser extent as a reflection of Chinese values and ideologies (Brautigam 15). However, it is quite simplistic to fall into the trap of viewing Chinese involvement in Africa as an “either / or” proposition. It is not good to reduce Beijings influence in Africa as either bane or boon; or framed in the usual polemics of being seen as the new colonialist or as a friendly benefactor (Lammers 1). China can be thought of as trying to wade through the diplomatic waters without any ruffling or alarming its neighbours as well as the present world powers. All it wants in Africa is access to its vast mineral resources which China is in dire need to feed its explosive growth. Africa is likewise benefited in many ways through Chinese help which comes with no strings attached to it due to China’s observance of non-interference in domestic affairs with exception of requiring recipient countries to drop Taiwan from their diplomatic list. Admittedly, some alarm bells are ringing with the size and extent of Chinese aid in the continent but China is primarily in Africa for economic interests (Marks 50). China is helping Africa through developmental assistance but other avenues are pursued like trade agreements, investment inflows and perhaps even peacekeeping operations. The usual criticism levelled against China is that it often deals with unsavoury regimes like Sudan and Zimbabwe which derailed efforts of Western countries to reform these regimes. There are other issues as well which can be considered legitimate like lack of an official Chinese stand on human rights issues, climate change, environmental concerns, transparency, arms control, transparency and governance issues but China is now trying to address all of these at present. Works Cited Alden, Chris. China in Africa. London, UK: Zed Books Limited, 2007. Print. Brautigam, Deborah. The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2009. Print. Brzezinski, Zbigniew. How to Stay Friends with China. The New York Times (02 Jan. 2011), 1. Web. 04 Jan. 2011. Buzan, Barry and Rosemary Foot. Does China Matter? A Reassessment: Essays In Memory of Gerald Segal. London, UK: Routledge, 2004. Print. Carling, Jorgen and Heidi Haugen. “Mixed Fates of a Popular Minority: Chinese Migrants in Cape Verde.” China Returns to Africa: A Rising Power and a Continent Embrace. Eds. Chris Alden, Daniel Large and Ricardo Soares de Oliviera. New York, USA: Columbia University Press, 2008. Print. Columbus, Frank H. Politics and Economics in Africa. New York, USA: Nova Publishers, 2001. Print. Davies, Martyn J. “Special Economic Zones: China’s Developmental Model Comes to Africa.” China Into Africa: Trade, Aid and Influence. Ed. Robert I. Rotberg. Baltimore, MD, USA: Brookings Institution Press, 2008. Print. Deffeyes, Kenneth S. Hubbert’s Peak: The Impending World Oil Shortage. Princeton, NJ, USA: The Princeton University Press, 2008. Print. Ferreira, M. Ennes. “Just a Passion for Oil?” China Returns to Africa: A Rising Power and a Continent Embrace. Eds. Chris Alden, Daniel Large and Ricardo Soares de Oliviera. New York, USA: Columbia University Press, 2008. Print. Kaplinsky, Raphael and Dirk Messner. “The Impact of Asian Drivers on the Developing World.” World Development, 36.2 (2009): 97-209. Print. Kragelund, Peter. “The Potential Role of Non-traditional Donors’ Aid in Africa.” ICTSD Programme on Competitiveness and Sustainable Development, 11 (Feb. 2010): 1-43. Print. Lammers, Ellen. “China and Africa: How Will the Beijing Consensus Benefit Africa?” The Broker (22 Mar. 2007), 1. Web. 03 Jan. 2011. Marks, Stephen. African Perspectives on China in Africa. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers/Pambazuka, 2007. Print. McGregor, James. One Billion Customers: Lessons from the Front Lines of Doing Business in China. New York, USA: Free Press, 2005. Print. Michel, Serge, Beuret, Michel and Paolo Woods. China Safari: On the Trail of Beijings Expansion in Africa. Philadelphia, PA, USA: Perseus Books, 2009. Print. Morrison, J. Stephen, Cooke, Jennifer, G. and Indira Campos. U.S. and Chinese Engagement in Africa: Prospects for Improving US-China-Africa Cooperation. Washington, D.C., USA: The Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 2008. Print. Rupp, Stephanie. “Africa and China: Engaging Post-colonial Interdependencies.” China Into Africa: Trade, Aid and Influence. Ed. Robert I. Rotberg. Baltimore, MD, USA: Brookings Institution Press, 2008. Print. Vittachi, Nury. “China vs. India: The Match of the Century.” Global Envision. 2006. Web. 02 Jan. 2011. Walsh, Conal. “Is China the New Colonial Power?” The Observer, London (01 Nov. 2006), 9. Web. 06 Jan. 2011. Wortzel, Larry M. Report to Congress of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. Darby, PA, USA: DIANE Publishing, 2009. Print. Read More
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