Trafficking in Women in Russia - Case Study Example

Trafficking in Women in Russia Name Institution Table of Contents Table of Contents 2 Introduction 3 Trafficking of women in the Russian Federation 4 Deprived economic situations in Russia 4 Political criminal nexus 7 Occurrence of shadow economy 9 Inept legislations 10 Profile of the Victims 11 Responses to women trafficking 13 Response of victims 13 Response of the civil society 14 Response of the state 14 Conclusion 15 References 17 Introduction Evidence shows that trafficking of women for sexual exploitation is an age-old phenomenon (Hughes, 2000; Tverdova, 2011). The practice has been prevalent in Southeast and South Asia for several decades. Still, new transformations in the global economy give account to the increased level of human trafficking from new supply countries, such as those with transitional economies, which emerged following the Soviet Union collapse. In particular, Russia has witnessed extreme levels of human trafficking (Hughes 2000; 2001). In all, human trafficking refers to the processes involved in recruiting, transporting, transferring, hosting, as well as receiving of human beings using threat, coercion or force, as well as additional forms of abduction, deception, or fraud to control them for purposes of exploitation. Hughes (2000) defines exploitation as including slavery, forced labour, extraction of organs, or prostitution. A particular vulnerable group is the women. According to Tverdova (2011), most accounts of trafficking of women revolved around the economic theories of demand, supply, profits and economic risks. Tverdova (2011) goes on to explain that the growth of demand for cheap labour and sexual services in the more developed nations, such as those in Western Europe, has been met by an abundant supply of women from the poorer nations, such as countries in the former Soviet Union. Against this background, this essay argues that women trafficking in the Russian Federation mainly resulted from a combination of contributors, such as government corruption, economic instability, poverty, incompetent regulatory systems, as well as motivations to make significant financial gain through human trade. Hence, the growing issue of women trafficking from the countries of the former Soviet Union are examined. Focus is on the Russian federation, which is the largest sending country. Additionally, the profile of the victim and their behaviours are explored. The responses to trafficking are also explored. Trafficking of women in the Russian Federation Researches on human trafficking linked to political and economic upheaval embody an extraordinary piece of the economic argument. According to Tverdova (2011), the upsetting impacts of economic decline and militarized conflicts account for the increased vulnerability of women to human trafficking in Russia. Likewise, the high demand of women for sexual exploitation in the recipient countries has fuelled human trafficking. Orlova (2005) comments that compared to men, more women are victims of human trafficking and that, the thriving sex industries in Western European countries, such as Germany and United Kingdom have sustained the crime of women trafficking. Tverdova (2011) provides statistics showing that approximately 20,000 women are trafficked each year from Russia, while some 500,000 women have been trafficked from the country since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the 1990s. Like Hughes (2000) in his earlier research, Tverdova (2011) concluded that Russian is indeed the largest exporter of women to Western European countries. In Tverdova’s (2011) view, the factors precipitating the notoriety of Russia along these lines include patriarchic traditions in Russia, the implications of gender inequality, poverty, the myths of prostitution, and lastly the sexual revolution. Deprived economic situations in Russia Trafficking of women has been sustained in Russia due to the ominous economic situations in the country, and its neighbouring countries, such as Ukraine. Orlova (2005), on the other hand, explains that the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the rise of new Russian transitional economy triggered the rise of vulnerable group of people: children and women. Orlova (2005) argued that the sudden disappearance of social protections and guarantees that were typical in the former Soviet regime also precipitated women trafficking. Therefore, the Russian Federation is a point of transit, key source and a leading destination of women trafficking. What this also shows is that human trafficking is a complex problem in Russia, and is characterised by prostitution, forced labour, forced begging, and sex tourism. The current economic situations also make it tricky for women to land gainful employments to cater for the needs of their families. As a result, the economic circumstances have placed them at high risk for human trafficking (Hughes, 2001). Non-gainful informal employment opportunities, under the ‘shadow economy’ in Russia, bring about vulnerability for the women, as there are no standard social protections. Hence, they run the risk of being subjected to slave trade, which verge on women trafficking. In a related review, Stoecker (n.d.) also commented that trafficking of women is an acute problem the Russian Federation currently encounters. Indeed, Russia has become an integral source, transit, and recipient point. Stoecker (n.d.) further traces the origin of women trafficking in Russia. In his view, the messy post-communist changeover that emerged after 1991 precipitated extreme economic uncertainty and social dislocation. As a result, a greater section of people in Russia witnessed pervasive poverty and lacked economic opportunities, as Orlova (2005) would agree. Stoecker (n.d.) elaborates that women became specifically vulnerable to the impacts of economic and political transition. According to Stoecker (n.d.), the financial crisis that happened in August 1998 was another principal trigger. During the time, the value of the ruble dwindled, leading further to the exacerbation of the vulnerability of women. Consequently, several regions of the Russian federation became specifically vulnerable to the spreading unemployment, which came after the Soviet Union collapse and the consequent breakdown of the economy, which was until then centrally planned. Tverdova (2011) also shows that after the collapse of the Union, what resulted is massive downsizing of the economy during the transitional period, resulting in substantial, overwhelming unemployment across the countries of the former Soviet Union, among them Russia. Some anecdotal statistics indicated that women made up 80 percent of the people who lost their jobs during the transitional period, partially because of the economic reform and the scaling down of the industrial sector (Tverdova, 2011). Stoecker (n.d.) offers a similar historical background and even comments that the vulnerability of women was due to the fact that they were mostly employed in low-level positions, where many lacked the requisite networks to secure employment and hence had slim chances of gaining re-employment. Due to this, it could be reasoned that many women, specifically mothers, were rendered into a state of financial hardship. Hence, the desire to cater for the needs of their families may have triggered their entry into commercial sex trade. Tverdova (2011) and Orlova support this assumption, as they both agree that economic hardship during the transitional period after the collapse of the Soviet Union caused many women to seek for alternative to gainful employment, such as commercial sex trade. Perhaps, the high demand for women in the sex industry in Western Europe may have given the human traffickers options of building profitable trade empires by coercing women who were desperate for cash to seek lucrative opportunities in Western European countries, such as France. Tverdova (2011) agrees with this argument and adds that although some women entered knowingly, a section of other victims were deceived through advertisements notifying them of lucrative and well-paying jobs, such as secretaries and caretakers in Western Europe. Political criminal nexus Transnational political criminal nexus has promoted and sustained women trafficking. According to Hughes (2001), the practices of human trafficking depend on a range of actors, which are coordinated to ensure the success of the crime. Transnational political criminal connections have also contributed to women trafficking in Russia. Hughes (2001) further shows that these connections include the organised criminal groups, corrupt police and visa officials, individual criminals, non-governmental organisations and corrupt government officials. Trafficking of women has been sustained in Russia due to prevalent corruption in the country, and the destination countries in Western Europe. Since the Soviet Union collapse, the political system in Russia has remained unsteady with criminal organisations continuing to infiltrate the legislative bodies and regulatory systems. According to Hughes (2000), corruption in Russia is so prevalent. Many law enforcement officials engage in the trafficking industry. This also means that, the vulnerable groups have no body of authority to turn to, once trafficked. The local police and other law enforcement agencies make deals with the human traffickers. Hughes (2001) also states that Russian organized criminal groups usually coordinate the processes through "joint ventures" with a number of other actors, such as owners of brothels, corruptible visa officials and police, as well as employment agencies. While the organized criminal groups do not control women trafficking in the sex trade, they are still the key players in the entire processes of trafficking. While some organized criminal groups are reserved to provide protection to the brothels and employment agencies, others administer the actual recruitment of women. Hughes and Denisova (2001) offer some explanation regarding the role of criminal nexus. In his view, the political apparatus of the criminal connection include foreign governments supporting Non-governmental organisations that disregard the concerns of civil society in the source and destination countries. Hughes and Denisova (2001) believe that these political apparatus also contribute to human trafficking, leading to corruption of the civil of the society. This also suggests that some non-governmental organisations and governments may also support changes in legislations that facilitate illegal flow of women into the sex industries. According to Hughes (2004), some non-governmental organisations have limited ability to curtail the large impact of women trafficking. For instance, after the women who have been victims are rescued, they still remain scared and cannot be provided with the psychological help needed or financial support. Many, therefore, find themselves dragged back into trafficking. Indeed, Hughes and Denisova (2001) suggest that some countries that were formerly in the Soviet Union had unregulated transition from socialism to democracy and a free market economy. This has facilitated organized criminal activities and corrupting of officials to take control of the business sector and state apparatus, leading to a criminalised economy and state. Just as Hughes (2000) attempts to show, Hughes and Denisova (2001) also showed that the networks of corrupt officials and criminals are critical components of the transnational political criminal connections. This also shows that the political criminal networks of women trafficking starts from the low-level criminals to the high governmental officials. Still, it could be argued that not the entire components of the criminal nexus collude in the crime. Some just play the supporting roles that may not seem to be connected to each other. In the destination countries, the sex industries have devised strategies to maintain a steady flow of trafficked women, despite prostitution being illegal. The profits generated from women trafficking are used to corrupt the system to maintain steady flow of women from Russia (Hughes, 2004). Occurrence of shadow economy The phenomenon of human trafficking in the Russian federation has also been intensified by the steady growth of ‘shadow economy’ that accounts for a significant part of the national economy. The actors in the shadow economy can trade people without detection by the law enforcement agencies or the government (Hughes, 2001). Due to the non-existence of actual currency for trading for these services, a high likelihood that individuals will be coerced into forced labour without any definite payment plan or a binding contract exists. The common slave labour in the ‘shadow economy’ includes transportation, renovation, construction, lumbering and trade. Since these economic activities demand unskilled labour and usually appeal to the vulnerable populations, they are also vulnerable to human trafficking schemes (Orlova, 2005). According to Hughes (2000), the occurrence of slave labour within the shadow economy cannot be wholly attributed to the complicity of the legislative and law enforcement bodies in Russia. Rather, they result from a perilously unregulated sector of the Russian economy. In fact, it could be argued that human trafficking is an influential industry due to its enormity. Therefore, it can sufficiently survive even without the involvement of Russian officials. Within the shadow economy, bribery is a critical part of the system, and this goes beyond the public officials to private businesses and non-governmental organisations. For instance, according to Hughes (2004), traffickers operate through the travel agencies, where each agency specialises in trafficking women to a particular country. In St. Petersburg, for instance, the illegal marriage agencies are well protected by the law enforcement agencies, as well as political and business criminal networks. Inept legislations The existing legislations and the government policies in place have failed to curtail women trafficking in the Russian Federation. They are derisory because of the huge scale of the problem, prevalent corruption, as well as poor coordination efforts between the government and the non-governmental organisations. Inefficient legal systems in Russia and the destination countries have also encouraged women trafficking (Hughes, 2000). Under these inept legislations, conviction of offenders is impossible, and whenever possible, their terms of sentence are reduced to less than a year. The importing countries, such as Sweden and Finland are accessible because of the minimal likelihood of legal ramifications. The underground operation of human trafficking, the underdeveloped legislations that restrict trafficking and the unwillingness of the victims to seek legal redress, as well as the light sentences have made the practice a low-risk crime with high profit margins (Hughes, 2001). For instance, in Russia where the state is criminalised, the legislature does not enact legislations against women trafficking. Additionally, the corrupted officials ignore legislations that exist (Hughes 2004). The prevalent level of women trafficking in Russia has major international implications. The Russian women trafficked across many sections of Western Europe for reasons of sexual exploitation in addition to as ‘mail-order’ brides for affluent men in Western Europe is mostly because of regional proximity and poor policies intended to curtail human trafficking (Hughes, 2004). For instance, because of Russia’s inept legal system, the country serves as an illegal migration routes for women trafficked from other nations outside the Russian federation, such as Thailand, Cambodia and China. In effect, Russia has become a destination point for women trafficked from the poorer nations in Asia who are on transit to the Western European nations. It is likely that under circumstances of inept regulatory systems and corrupt law enforcement officials, many women are trafficked into Russia and out of Russia unnoticed and undocumented by the law enforcement agencies. A trafficker may earn up to $100,000 from selling a Russian woman (Hughes, 2000). Profile of the Victims Based on Hughes (2000) and Orlova’s (2005) illustrations, it is clear that the trafficked women tend to share common features that make them susceptible to trafficking. The stereotypes portray the victim of women trafficking as innocent young women from Russian who are either kidnapped, lied to or manipulated before being forced in prostitution or labour. Additionally, the victims tend to originate from countries that face high rates of economic upheavals, crimes and corruption, as well as communities that lack adequate educational opportunities or family support. Therefore, they normally collaborate with traffickers hoping for more fulfilling livelihood in abroad (Hughes 2000). Indeed, this reflects what happens between countries that were initially part of the Soviet Union and the more developed nations in Western Europe. For instance, ‘women trafficking’ is prevalent in Russia because of the menacing economic situations. The same is the case with Ukraine, which was part of the Soviet Union. According to Orlova (2005), the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of the new Russian transitional economy triggered the rise of countries with poorer economies with high rates of economic upheavals, criminal activities, and corruption of public officials, in addition to communities that lack adequate educational opportunities. This also means that the victims tend to either be socially or economically vulnerable. In respect to women trafficking, the victims include young women and girls who are vulnerable to societal isolation, poverty, family violence, poor educational opportunities and family history of criminal behaviours (Neha & Nour, 2013). What these also show is that the vulnerable women are those who have suffered emotional distress due to their low economic statuses, poor academic achievement and wanting social skills (Hughes 2000). Hudges (2004) asserts that women who are lured to leave Russia for destinations in Western Europe are motivated by the need to rise above unemployment, poverty, as well as media portrayal of Western lifestyles. As a result, the women accept the risky employment offers or marriages in the Western nations. As well, it may consist of women or orphans suffering from physical disabilities, as well as those who are illiterate (Tverdova, 2009). Because of their nature of being vulnerable, they are vulnerable to lies, kindness, compassion, as well as small gifts or monies that make them feel obligated to the recruiters (Hughes, 2000). The principal motive for the women from economically deprived nations to accept gifts or give in to lies by the perpetrators or recruiters is their desire to seek for better financial and employment opportunities. The homeless groups of people or runaway girls, specifically those from the low socioeconomic class are also highly vulnerable. While many women who are trafficked may have attained significant educational levels, professional qualification and work experience, they still fell prey to the human trafficking due to economic desperation, desire to make career advancement and the need to provide for their families (Tverdova, 2009). Typical victims are also women from countries with poor legislations, some economic freedom, as well as freedom to travel across borders. Indeed, a review by Hughes (2000) shows that the source of trafficking are countries, which may not be necessarily the poorest ones in their origin, but those with some economic freedom to travel across borders and weak travel legislations. This depicts the case of Russian and Ukrainian women, who come from countries with weak travel regulations where women can be trafficked without visas and economic freedom, such as where ‘shadow economy’ exists (Orlova, 2005). Still, it could be argued that the victims of women trafficking have no single profile, as the victims may still be captured or kidnapped from a diverse culture, age, or socioeconomic status. Responses to women trafficking Response of victims The behaviour of the trafficked women has also contributed to the prevalence of human trafficking. According to Tverdova (2011), the victims who survive trafficking are often reluctant to seek legal redress, as they are usually threatened with death to prevent them from cooperating with the law enforcement agencies. Cases of rejection by their communities on their return to their families also make them more vulnerable. Hence, the survivors often prefer that their entire ordeal remains a secret. Evidence provided by Tverdova (2011) also shows that once the victims return to Russia, they may be found to have violated immigration laws, dissimilar to countries, such as the United Kingdom, Italy and the United States where the victims are given grace period from prosecution. All these lead to trauma of the returnees, and because of their vulnerability, they are likely to make another attempt to travel abroad under human trafficking. Response of the civil society Within the Russian Federation, the responsibility of combating human trafficking has largely fallen to NGOs. The non-governmental organisations that focus on curtailing human trafficking, such as the MiraMed and Angel Coalition, are the most practical institutions when it comes to responding to women trafficking (Hughes, 2000). They provide rehabilitation programs, psychological counselling, as well as providing financial support to victims. Still, there are concerns that the non-governmental organisations within the Russian federation are experiencing funding problems, due to limited financial support by the government. This may explain the reasons why the non-governmental organisations concentrate on the cost-friendly response strategies, such as raising awareness on the dangers of human trafficking, rather than working directly with the victims (Orlova, 2005). Because of this, the future of women trafficking in Russia is left on the hands of the law enforcement agencies. It could, however, be argued that these enforcement agencies are highly corrupted and, therefore, allow for legal systems that facilitate women trafficking. As a result, the cycle of women trafficking persists (Hudges, 2000). Response of the state Orlova (2005) also shows that Russia has started to enact legislations in an effort to combat human trafficking, although deficiencies in the country’s legislations have persistently frustrated such efforts. According to Orlova (2005), the Russian Criminal COde had no separate offence that addressed human trafficking until 11 December 2003, or any specific one that addressed exploitation of women. An important legislation that has significant impact on the local Russian law of human trafficking is the Palermo Protocol, which has been integrated into the Russian law. The enacting of Article 127.1 and Article 127.2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation on 11 December 2003 is seen to be the most deliberate act to integrate anti-human trafficking laws in the Russian legal system (Orlova, 2005). Despite these efforts, human traffics can still be argued to be a relatively recent phenomenon in the Russian case, whose history goes back to the 1990s. The police force may be ill prepared and equipped to fight the crime. The prevalence of corruption has also delayed response to women trafficking, as law enforcement officials who the women can turn to are already too corrupt and self-system. While criminalisation of trafficking of human beings is noteworthy, such efforts are perceptibly insufficient with the participation of non-legislative bodies, such as the law enforcement agencies. This also means that measures should be put in place to curtail corruption and protect the vulnerable women, as well as to rehabilitate the victims rather than just criminalise human trafficking. Hence, it is clear that Russia lacks efficient and separate broad pieces of legislations outside the scope of criminal law that addresses the concerns of the victims (Orlova, 2005). Conclusion Trafficking of women in the Russian Federation is sustained by a combination of contributors, such as governmental corruption, economic instability, poverty, incompetent regulatory systems, as well as the motivations to make financial gain through human trade. Mostly, the victims tend to be either socially or economically vulnerable. Trafficking of women has been sustained in Russia due to the deprived economic situations in the country, as well as its neighbouring countries, such as Ukraine. Under such economic situations, women find it hard getting into gainful employments to cater for the needs of their families. This makes them vulnerable to trafficking with the hope of seeking greener pastures in Western Europe. The high demand for women in the sex industry in Western Europe may also gives the human traffickers options of building profitable trade empires by coercing Russian women into seeking lucrative opportunities in Western European. They end up being sex slaves. Russia’s ‘shadow economy’ has also intensified the phenomenon of human trafficking. Additionally, factors, such as transnational political criminal nexus has promoted and sustained women trafficking and prevalent corruption in the country. The methods that the traffickers use to operate are adapted and sufficiently flexible to facilitate recruiting of women and circumnavigate the risks of detection in Russia. In the destination countries in Western Europe, the trafficked women are controlled through confiscation of identity and travel documents, as well as violence of threats. This also implies that women remain vulnerable to exploitation once in the target destination countries, despite the strength of legislations that prohibit human trafficking. References Hughes, D. (2000). The "Natasha" trade: The transnational shadow market of trafficking in women. Journal of International Affairs, 53( 2), 625-651 Hughes, D. & Denisova, T. (2001). The Transnational Political Criminal Nexus of Trafficking In Women from Ukraine. Trends in Organized Crime 6(3&4), 43-67 Hughes, D. (2004). The Role of “Marriage Agencies” in the Sexual Exploitation and Trafficking of Women from the Former Soviet Union. International Review of Victimology 11(1), 49-71 Neha, D. & Nour, N. (2013). Sex Trafficking of Women and Girls. Review Obstetrics Gynaecology, 6(1), 22–27 Orlova, A. (2005). Trafficking Of Women And Children For Exploitation In The Commercial Sex Trade: The Case Of The Russian Federation. The Georgetown Journal of Gender And The Law 6, 157-178 Stoecker, S. (n.d.). The Rise in Human Trafficking and the Role of Organized Crime. Demokratizatsiya, 129-144 Tverdova, Y. (2011). Human Trafficking in Russia and Other Post-Soviet States. Human Rights Review (2011) 12:329–344 Read More

Deprived economic situations in Russia Trafficking of women has been sustained in Russia due to the ominous economic situations in the country, and its neighbouring countries, such as Ukraine. Orlova (2005), on the other hand, explains that the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the rise of new Russian transitional economy triggered the rise of vulnerable group of people: children and women. Orlova (2005) argued that the sudden disappearance of social protections and guarantees that were typical in the former Soviet regime also precipitated women trafficking.

Therefore, the Russian Federation is a point of transit, key source and a leading destination of women trafficking. What this also shows is that human trafficking is a complex problem in Russia, and is characterised by prostitution, forced labour, forced begging, and sex tourism. The current economic situations also make it tricky for women to land gainful employments to cater for the needs of their families. As a result, the economic circumstances have placed them at high risk for human trafficking (Hughes, 2001).

Non-gainful informal employment opportunities, under the ‘shadow economy’ in Russia, bring about vulnerability for the women, as there are no standard social protections. Hence, they run the risk of being subjected to slave trade, which verge on women trafficking. In a related review, Stoecker (n.d.) also commented that trafficking of women is an acute problem the Russian Federation currently encounters. Indeed, Russia has become an integral source, transit, and recipient point. Stoecker (n.d.) further traces the origin of women trafficking in Russia.

In his view, the messy post-communist changeover that emerged after 1991 precipitated extreme economic uncertainty and social dislocation. As a result, a greater section of people in Russia witnessed pervasive poverty and lacked economic opportunities, as Orlova (2005) would agree. Stoecker (n.d.) elaborates that women became specifically vulnerable to the impacts of economic and political transition. According to Stoecker (n.d.), the financial crisis that happened in August 1998 was another principal trigger.

During the time, the value of the ruble dwindled, leading further to the exacerbation of the vulnerability of women. Consequently, several regions of the Russian federation became specifically vulnerable to the spreading unemployment, which came after the Soviet Union collapse and the consequent breakdown of the economy, which was until then centrally planned. Tverdova (2011) also shows that after the collapse of the Union, what resulted is massive downsizing of the economy during the transitional period, resulting in substantial, overwhelming unemployment across the countries of the former Soviet Union, among them Russia.

Some anecdotal statistics indicated that women made up 80 percent of the people who lost their jobs during the transitional period, partially because of the economic reform and the scaling down of the industrial sector (Tverdova, 2011). Stoecker (n.d.) offers a similar historical background and even comments that the vulnerability of women was due to the fact that they were mostly employed in low-level positions, where many lacked the requisite networks to secure employment and hence had slim chances of gaining re-employment.

Due to this, it could be reasoned that many women, specifically mothers, were rendered into a state of financial hardship. Hence, the desire to cater for the needs of their families may have triggered their entry into commercial sex trade. Tverdova (2011) and Orlova support this assumption, as they both agree that economic hardship during the transitional period after the collapse of the Soviet Union caused many women to seek for alternative to gainful employment, such as commercial sex trade.

Perhaps, the high demand for women in the sex industry in Western Europe may have given the human traffickers options of building profitable trade empires by coercing women who were desperate for cash to seek lucrative opportunities in Western European countries, such as France.

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