Basseri of Iran - Research Paper Example

Basseri of Iran First and College First and Department..., of... [Student’s First and Last Name] is now at Department of..., University of... This research was in part supported by the grant awarded to [Student’s First and Last Name] by [Sample Grant Programme]. Correspondence concerning this research paper should be addressed to [Student’s First and Last Name], Department..., University of..., [Address] Contact: Abstract This essay deals with the problems of definition of the character of mode of subsistence, kinship practices, social and political organization of the Basseri tribe of South Iran. The author analyzes the aforementioned aspects in a view of general concept of the Basseri tribal organization as an example of tribal chiefdom form. In the end, the conclusion is reached according to which the Basseri may be regarded as one of the vivid examples of this form of societal organization. Keywords: ethnography, nomadic societies, pastoralism, chiefdom, tribe, Basseri Basseri of Iran As the study of the social structure of the Basseri tribe by Barth (1961) is one of the classical examples of the research in the field of ethnography of nomadic peoples of Iran, it is instructive to closely analyze the modern state of the Basseri people. In this essay, I will deal with the various aspects of social life of the Basseri, focusing on their subsistence patterns, but paying appropriate attention to their kinship practices, social and political organization. Accordingly, the essay will be divided into four sections in which the relevant aspects will be analyzed. My basic argument with regard to the Basseri is that they represent a stage of development transitional between the primitive lineage form and more developed chiefdom organization, which is itself a necessary prerequisite to the fully stratified society, and the organization of the essay will reflect that argument. Subsistence Mode The traditional mode of subsistence of the Basseri strongly depends on the use of extensive pastures, as the pastoral produce is the most important component in the maintenance of their socio-economic structure. Their socioeconomic structure evolved on the basis of limitations and opportunities provided by the climate and ecological conditions of South Iran; therefore, their economy is strongly dependent on following the patterns of natural changes. As Cohen (1976) observed, the subsistence of the Basseri nomadic community is generally derived from their herds of sheep and goats, while the use of dairy products and the meat obtained through market exchange with the surrounding populations complement it (p. 276). The Basseri also use the other domesticated animals, including horses, dogs, donkeys and camels, but they do not play direct role in the subsistence of the tribe. The migratory patterns of the tribe are especially interesting from the point of view of the researcher. According to Barth (1961), the forced sedentarization of the Basseri under the reign of Reza Shah led to the decline of their economic life, and it was only after 1941 that they returned to their traditional migratory practices (p. 3). The traditional territories of the Basseri lie in the hot and arid lands near the Persian Gulf, encompassing both salty deserts of Larestan at elevations of 2,000 to 3,000 ft. and the mountainous areas near Kuh-i-Bul, with the highest altitude of 13,000 ft. (Barth, 1961, p. 3). The diversity of this terrain forces the Basseri to undergo seasonal migration so as to provide subsistence to their flocks of sheep and goats. According to Cohen (1976), the area of the tribe’s migration stretches from the southwestern part of the Iranian Plateau to the coast of Persian Gulf, going through the Zagros Mountains (p. 276). With the beginning of the summer, the Basseri begin their coordinated movement from the lands adjacent to the Gulf to the territories of their winter pastures, where the climate allows the flocks of their goats and sheep to recuperate from the intense heat (Cohen, 1976, p. 276). Summer pastures are generally situated at the altitude of more than 6,000 ft., and the animals may subsist on brush, thistles and withered straw in the latter part of the summer, when the grasses sometimes dry (Barth, 1961, p. 4). When the winter season looms, the Basseri begin the reverse travels to the Gulf. The necessity of this migratory cycle is stipulated by specific features of the Basseri flocks, as the nomad sheep, despite being larger and more productive than the other strains of the species, suffer from temperature extremes more than the sheep of the mountaineer tribes and are generally more likely to fall victim to the contrasts of frost or heat. According to Barth (1961), if the sheep are not transferred to the areas with milder climate throughout the year, there is 70% to 80% probability that they may perish en masse from various malaises (p. 6). Therefore, the necessity for migratory cycle is implied both by extensive character of nomadic husbandry and by the need to safeguard the health of the flock. Just like with the other tribes of the region, the migration of the Basseri is governed by il-rah, or ‘the tribal road’, customs, according to which a given migratory route is associated with this or another tribe, and the members of other tribes cannot trespass upon it (Barth, 1961, p. 5; Cohen, 1974, p. 276). The tribe members regard their il-rah as a collective property of the tribe, and the sedentary population seem to concur with this notion, allowing the nomads to make use of water resources and pasture their flocks on uncultivated lands (Barth, 1961, p. 5). The regulation of tribe’s movements while on il-rah is a prerogative of the chief of the Basseri, the khan (see below), who is invested with the power to allot pastures and coordinate the migratory routes of different sections and camps of the tribe (Cohen, 1974, p. 277). This allows the chief to concentrate both economic and political power in his hands. As Barth (1961) explains, the Basseri are both distinct from their urban and agrarian neighbors and dependent on them for various goods. They specialize in the pastoralist husbandry, while getting the other necessary commodities in exchange. The main products of the Basseri nomadic economy include milk, meat, wool and hides, which are derived from sheep and goats, while camels serve as a supplementary source of wool (Barth, 1961, p. 7). The Basseri engage in the processing of their flock produce, making felt clothes from the wool of their lamb and using sheep’s wool and camel-hair in rope-making and weaving (Barth, 1961, p. 8). The Basseri women usually make saddlecloths and sacks for their husbands, while rugs and carpets are also woven from the used wool of their domestic animals. Of particular importance is the use of goat-hair in the manual production of black tents, which are widely used by tribe members for residence. As goat-hair possesses spectacular heat-retaining and water-repellent properties, the tents made of it allow the Basseri to safeguard against the radiation heat of the summer (Barth, 1961, p. 8). Even though the Basseri rarely plant cereal crops, including wheat, in their summer camps, they disdain agricultural work, believing it to be unworthy. According to Barth’s observations, they usually paid the villagers who lived in the vicinity of their summer pastures to plant additional crops for Basseri harvesting (Barth, 1961, p. 9). Some wealthy Basseri were known to acquire land near their il-rah from Iranian landlords and used it for commercial purposes, leasing it to peasants for onerous rent (Barth, 1961, p. 9); this, however, had little to do with their nomadic mode of subsistence per se. The trade between the Basseri and sedentary populations of the region generally involve such foodstuff as flour, sugar, tea and vegetables. The manufactured goods, including metal articles, finished clothes and luxury goods, are also widely traded. In exchange, the Basseri generally present to their counteragents the pastoral produce, including butter, wool, lambskin and the animals themselves (Barth, 1961, p. 10) The subsistence mode of the Basseri is similar to that of the other pastoral nomads, who engage in wide-scale seasonal migration and exchange their produce for the cereals and manufactured goods. The Basseri live in the close interaction with the other ethnic groups of Iran. They cannot survive without continuous commercial ties with the sedentary population and therefore, their subsistence is strongly dependent on the external trade. This means that the Basseri do not constitute a closed economy, being an integral part of the traditional economic system of Iran. Kinship The dominant form of kinship in the Basseri society is based on the agnatic line in a ramifying descent system, while matrilineal kin-based groups are also bound by the ties of solidarity. The kinship networks of the Basseri exert strong influence on the organization of their settlements, with the camp arrangements strongly reflecting kinship ties between individual families (Cribb, 2004, p. 44). The basic unit of the Basseri society is a tent occupied by one elementary family, and the movable property of these households are in practice owned by their headmen (Barth, 1961, p. 11). The Basseri households are structured into herding units (2-5 tents), which in turn unite into camps (10-40 tents), with an agnatically related core forming the nucleus of these camps (Cribb, 2004, p. 49). At the same time, the presence of cognatic kinship and the prevalence of endogamic practices within each camp strengthen the bilateral ties within the camp, providing for its inner solidarity (Cribb, 2004, p. 49). The son of a Basseri is recognized as a Basseri even if he descends from the other tribe in the maternal line. As Barth (1961) observed, “considerations of nearness of kinship… seem to be irrelevant to the composition of the herding units” (p. 22). The married sons of the head of the household may choose to join the other camp with their herds, and the members of the camps combine their herds taking into account the considerations of economic efficiency, rather than the kinship factor. The affinal bonds are also important for the economic relations within the camps (Cribb, 2004, p. 49). The Basseri kinship structure seems to follow the pattern which is widespread among the other nomadic tribes of the Middle East. When one compares their practices with those of Qashqā’i, one may see that in these both cases the use of notions of patrilineal descent in inheritance combines with the great role of affinal relations in the interaction between the households. In that sense, the kinship system of the Basseri is rather typical one for the nomadic tribes of the region. The further research of the Basseri kinship relations may increase our knowledge on the relevant practices of the other similar tribes of the region. It is clear that the great role of affinal relations correlate with the fragmentation of specifically lineage character of social interactions and the rise of territorial element of social organization of the tribe. In this one finds an expression of progressive social stratification within the Basseri society. Social organization The Basseri social organization is based on the hierarchy of primary communities, based on the interaction between all its household heads, and secondary communities, which are based on agnatic descent and imply the association with the particular territory or migration route. The interactions within these social units define the tribal structure of the Basseri. The camps of the Basseri are formed as primary communities, with the predominance of bilateral and affinal ties between their members. Each of them is constituted as a “bilateral, nearly self-perpetuating kin group” (Barth, 1961, p. 25). The camps constitute clearly defined social groups within the tribe; their members maintain stable and constant relations with each other, while the social interaction outside of the camps is relatively random and infrequent (Barth, 1961, p. 25). At the top of the camps, one may find secondary communities, oulad (100 tents), which are led by their own community leaders, the kathkhoda, and possess their own migration schedule and pasture territory (Cribb, 2004, pp. 49-51). The oulad represent a basis of the Basseri tribal organization. Its members enjoy relatively equal rights to the pastures that are allotted to the oulad, and the administrative organization of the tribe also seems to rest on the oulad, not on herding units or camps, as the interactions between the chief and the lower tribal leaders pass through oulad form. Although a tribal section (tireh) is a nominally higher level of tribal organization than the oulad, in practice it seems to be a rather ephemeral entity. Usually a tireh comprises about 200 tents and exists as a relatively stable agnatic descent group, the real significance of which apparently lies in its formal status as a primary reference group for the tribe members and as a marriage isolate (Cribb, 2004, p. 51). The tribe itself (around 3,000 tents) is a predominantly political unit which consists of different tribal sections brought under the power of common chief. The tribe itself lacks any notion of common agnatic descent and therefore represents a purely territorial and migratory, rather than a lineage, unity (Cribb, 2004, p. 51). Therefore, the social organization of the Basseri seems to rest on the two different principles, that of the common residence (primary communities, or camps) and that of the common pasture (oulad). This combination of economic and territorial principles of social organization seem to indicate that the Basseri has long ago evolved from the state of dominance of kinship as a unifying principle towards organizational forms more reminiscent of fully stratified societies. It should be noted that the interrelations between the camps and larger communities merit its own research and present a rather important subject for discussion. Political organization The Basseri exist within the framework of larger confederation of the multilingual tribes, the Qashqā’i, and their internal political organization is based on the dependence relations between the kathkhoda and the tribal leader, the khan, whose main functions include the organization of tribal migration and allocation of reserved tribal territory between different camps in case of need. The headmen are both dependent on the khan and crucial for the support of his power (Barth, 1961, p. 75). According to Cohen (1974), the khan embodies the unity of the tribe, as different sections and oulad lack the sense of common patrilineal ancestor and submit to him as to their common leader. The Basseri view the khan as endowed by the unique charismatic authority and acknowledge his power as being above the tribe as a whole (p. 277). The khan exercises immediate authority in allocating pasture estates and coordinating the migratory routes of different oulad; he settles the disputes between the tribe members and represents the tribe in external relations with the sedentary population and local authorities (Cohen, 1974, p. 277). His role in the determination of migratory routes seems to be especially prominent: without the coordinating role of the khan the different oulad leaders would squabble among themselves and the tribe as a unitary social organization would most probably split. The tribal chief may play the distributive and organizational role that cannot be equaled by disparate nomadic groups, and therefore they obey him as a representative of the unity of the tribe. His role as a distributor of social surplus is emphasized by his traditional generosity and lavish lifestyle, which are regarded by the custom of the tribe as necessary attributes of a veritable khan (Barth, 1961, p. 74). The elite consumption of the chief and his closest relatives, the Khavanin, who turn command respect from the common tribe members, is supported by the special sources of income, including the irregular taxation of the tribe households, most often in the form of a tax of one sheep in hundred (sad-o-yek) but sometimes as high as three sheep in the hundred (sad-o-seh). To this income one must add a regular tax in butter owed by each oulad and the tradition of giving gifts to the khan (Barth, 1961, p. 74). The decision making at the tribe level is accordingly distinguished by its strictly authoritarian character. Whereas the members of the camps usually arrive at decisions concerning their common affairs through deliberation and consensus (Barth, 1961, p. 74), the decisions at the higher level are invariably made by the khan himself. The system of corporal punishments administered according to the will of the khan is also in existence, even though there are no formal coercive institutions (Cohen, 1974, p. 277). Conclusion The tribal structure of the Basseri seems to be an example of the social organization transitory between the tribe and chiefdom, with the label “tribal chiefdom” (Cribb, 2004, p. 52) being rather appropriate for such social formation. This does not mean that the Basseri will in future necessarily evolve in the direction of ‘classic’ stratified society, as the tribal chiefdoms seem to be rather stable social formations (Cribb, 2004, p. 52). In total, the Basseri will continue to be an intriguing people for the ethnographers, for they present one of the examples of Middle Eastern tribal organization that is relatively well preserved in the modern times. References Barth, F. (1961). Nomads of South Persia. Boston: Little Brown & Co. Cohen, Y.A. (1974). Man in adaptation: The cultural present. 2nd ed. Hawthorne: NY: Aldine de Gruyter. Cribb, R. (2004). Nomads in archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Read More