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Kosovo Ethnic Conflict - Essay Example

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The paper "Kosovo Ethnic Conflict" suggests that the memories of these horrible events have been seared deep within the Albanians that now control Kosovo. As mentioned, there is lingering anxiety within the remaining Serbs relegated into the minority in the area…
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Kosovo Ethnic Conflict
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? Analysis of an Ethnic Conflict (Kosovo) Introduction The collapse of the iron curtain has been a catalyst for the formation and breakaways of various regions within the European communist bloc. The area had already been severely fragmented gaining an infamous reputation as a shatter zone1. Central and Eastern Europe is dotted with small regions that are often antagonistic and are very divided and most people here are on villages united by their ethnicity and are interdependent on each other. This paints a very volatile picture since the area can erupt into civil war especially if inter-ethnic group conflicts are not resolved properly. Furthermore, the area needs proper management of these diverse societies so that such conflicts can be avoided since these altercations might escalate into a bloody civil war2. Such is the case of Kosovo, formerly a province of Serbia which have erupted into a bloody war towards the latter part of the 90’s. The carnage in the area was only halted by the intervention of NATO. Although this temporarily stopped the fighting and an independent state seems to be forming, the area remains in a precarious ceasefire as relative tensions remain between the Albanians and the Serbians wherein the secession resulted in the breakaway of an Albanian dominated Kosovo. This left the remaining Serbians in a quandary since they may be subjected to discrimination. The fear of possible persecution threatens to drive the Serbs away from Kosovo in effect dislocating them from their homes and towards a life of uncertainty3. Part 1 Kosovo Ethnic Conflict History has been teeming with ethnic conflicts and there have been numerous cases of violence that bordered on genocide. Through each of these conflicts, the diversity of culture as well as past excessiveness and offenses of one culture to another serve as fertile grounds for multi-ethnic conflicts to escalate into bloody wars. In Kosovo, the people of the neophyte state have been trying to lead a life of normalcy but as mentioned, considerable tension remains. After the breakaway, Kosovo was held by the majority Albanians that through the years have accumulated in the area. However, these people have experienced severe persecution when the autonomy of the then Serbian province has been revoked. There had been an apparent attempt to cleanse the area of Albanians when the ruling Serbs massacred numerous Albanians. This did not spare women, children and the elderly. Likewise, summary executions, kidnappings and arrests were rampant.4 The memories of these horrible events have been seared deep within the Albanians that now control Kosovo. As mentioned, there is a lingering anxiety within the remaining Serbs that have been relegated into the minority in the area. In a statement by Dr. Covic in front of the UN Security Council in New York over half a decade after NATO intervened and an uneasy ceasefire ensued, he advanced the concerns that the agreements have yet to be met by the Albanian authority. Dr. Covic lamented on the over 200,000 internally displaced Serbs and called on the council to act on these problems along with the need to implement court decisions in order to return properties to heir rightful Serbian owners. He likewise mentioned the seemingly disturbing solid line up of Albanians in the governing body of the area which may be detrimental to non-Albanians5. Hence, this essay will look into the situation of the now minority Serbs in Kosovo and the persisting multi-ethnic tensions between the two groups. Divisiveness and Scars of the Past The Albanians have constituted the majority of the population in Kosovo long before the province split from Serbia in a bid to become independent. Previously, despite the lack of economic prosperity which was instrumental in driving most of the Serbs out of the area, the Albanians enjoyed a respectable degree of autonomy. This was shattered by the revocation of this autonomy paving the way for conflicts to arise. The human rights violations intensified and the massacres heightened to almost genocide levels that it was believed that the Serbian government is conducting an “ethnic cleansing” to rid Kosovo of Albanians6. Now that the Albanians are calling the shots in Kosovo, it is feared that the Serbs will then be on the receiving end of the atrocities experienced by the former when the area was still a province of a state controlled by the latter. The conflict has significantly displaced residents in Kosovo and after the signing of the treat as well as the declaration of independence by Kosovo, it is feared that the differences between the two groups will persist. It is quite easy to see this possibility. Aside from the fact that the memories of the not-so-distant past remain entrenched in every Albanian in Kosovo, the two groups have striking differences. These two groups have varying culture and more significantly, the now-majority Albanians are Muslims while the Serbians are Orthodox Christians7. The deep scars of the past are divisive already but as mentioned, on top of this, the area is fragmented significantly by a yawning cultural and religious gap8. Part 2 Displacement and Intervention The conflict in Kosovo displaced both the Serbians and Albanians. However, when the Albanians emerged on top, the Serbs seemed to have remained displaced. As mentioned, Dr. Covic laments on the status of Serbians that are unable to return to their homes or whose properties have yet to be returned to them. In effect, the Serbs seem to have been relegated to a refugee status. However, usually, refugees are those that go outside their countries to get away from threats or persecution. However, since most of the Serbians are unwilling to leave Kosovo, they have been displaced since they are forced to leave their homes for fear of their safety9. Hence, the Serbians are a mixture of displaced and refugees since there are those that have remained within Kosovo while some are waiting to go back pending an improvement in the state’s political climate as well as the restitution of their properties. The reversal of fortunes between the Serbs and the Albanians in Kosovo has fuelled the dissent among these ethnic groups even further. Although disparities between diverse ethnicities do not automatically result to conflict, ensuing violence almost always leads to displacements and refugees10. The escalating violence from the armed conflict between the Albanians and Serbians in Kosovo has been stopped by the intervention of the powerful military forces of NATO. It is undeniable that the intervention by foreign forces has saved lives and if done properly, attempts to foster democracy can provide an excellent backdrop for the formation of a state11. However, it seems that what ensued was a transfer of power from one ethnic group to another. Although it put a stopped to the killing, the underlying reason for the conflict seems to have been neglected. It is therefore very important for any intervention to be impartial and to ensure that the force that will be used will be calibrated so as not to tilt the balance of power to favor another12. In the case of Kosovo, the Albanians rose to power and the repercussions on the Serbian minority seem to mirror the previous situation of the Albanians. In effect, the intervention seems to have been counterproductive falling short of the expected result of quelling the ethnic conflict in Kosovo. Widening Gap Probably the most important step towards ending the violence in one of the most volatile areas of the shatter zone was when the dominant power in Kosovo inked the agreement that policies will be brought forth to protect the minority Serbs which accounts for about ten percent of the population in the area13. However, it seems that this has yet to turn to reality as evidenced by the appeal being made by Dr. Covic in the UN Security Council. Thus, it is apparent that the policies stipulated in this agreement must be realized prior to a true and lasting peace in Kosovo between Albanians and Serbians. As mentioned, there is a wide gap between Albanians and Serbians and this was exacerbated by the removal of the Albanians’ autonomy which ushered in the ethnic cleansing in the area. After roles have been reversed, it was the Serbians’ turn to be uneasy with the ruling ethnic group. Basically, it seems that the intervention and the yet to be fulfilled policy on the signed agreement have only resulted in reversing the minority and majority but has done little to quell the inherent distrust and multi-ethnic disparity in the region. If this situation persists, there may just have been a changed of face of the problem and not a solution. Unifying Kosovo The situation in Kosovo only revealed the inadequacy of international policies to handle minority issues. Although it cannot be denied that countless lives have been saved by the intervention of international forces, the problem in governance that ensued highlight the need for a proper articulation of the rights of minorities14. Likewise, despite the promulgation of the rights of indigenous groups, there has yet to be a formal policy to tackle the substate national groups and the protection of their rights15. Hence, the situation in Kosovo seem to mirror its past prior to the war wherein despite the absence of a head-on conflict, there is a general sense of uncertainty within the region especially on the minorities. However, the relaxation of security which paved the way for increased freedom of movement have been important initial steps to show the seriousness from the majority Albanians of their respect for the Serbian minority. However, it is important that court decisions from the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) must likewise be implemented properly in order to gain the trust of the minorities. Hence, it is important that the properties that have already been decided to be returned must be given back to the respective Serbian owners. Despite being in the agreement, a concrete plan for implementing a schools system with corresponding instructors for the minorities must be articulated so as to gain confidence for the state16. As the years drag on, the inaction on the stipulated policies increases the risk of the possible eruption of another conflict. It is only a matter of time before the minority Serbs lobby for the rights due to them. Basically, these people will want the same rights and benefits enjoyed by the majority and this increasing want of a similar goal can lead to another conflict 17. This can happen sooner in Kosovo since the ruling power being enjoyed by the Albanians used to belong to the Serbians. Also, it is important to note that the rights of minorities are increasingly being perceived as legitimate democratic rights18. This is a very important aspect to make the establishment of an independent Kosovo truly democratic. However, it seems that the ruling government as well as the forces that intervened is still quite busy cementing their positions in the fledgling country. Although it is important for unity among the citizens in Kosovo for democracy to really take root, the proper recognition of minority rights as mentioned by Murphy must remain central if they are to create a truly independent and conflict-free Kosovo. Long Road to Multi-ethnic Conflict Resolution The foregoing attempts by the newly installed government at installing lasting peace in Kosovo seem to have hit a snag with the evident discontent from the minority Serbians due to the unfulfilled agreements for the proper treatment of minorities. The growing discontent fuelled by the continued displacement of Serbians in Kosovo grows even more with the problem of the economic disparity generated by the concentration not just of political but of economic power on the ruling Albanians19. This opens the minority Serbs to exploitation by those that are economically superior20. Hence, the problem in delaying the implementation of the agreement to provide policies that protects the minority worsens the multi-ethnic situation in Kosovo. Consequently, instead of providing a lasting solution, the intervention and the lack of political will in implementing the agreed upon policies to ensure the protection of minorities in Kosovo may have just changed the face of the oppressing majority. Bibliography Bonacich, E 1972, ‘A theory of ethnic antagonism: The split labor market’, The American Sociological Review, vol. 37, pp. 547-559. Burton, JW 1979 Deviance, terrorism and war. The process of solving unsolved social and political problems. Martin Robinson, Oxford. Covic, N 2005, President – Coordination Center of Serbia and Montenegro and the Republic of Serbia for Kosovo and Metohia before the United Nations Security Council, New York, May 27, 2005. Crawford, J and Marks, S 1998. The global democratic deficit: An essay in international law and its limits. In Re-imagining political community: Studies in cosmopolitan democracy, ed. D Archibugi, D Held, and M Kohler, 72-90. Stanford: Stanford University Press.  Harris, P 1999, ‘Kosovo: An application of the principle of self-determination’, Human Rights Brief, A Legal Resource for the International Human Rights Community, vol. 6 , no. 3. Horowitz, D 1985, Ethnic groups in conflict, University of California Press. Kupchan, C 2005, Independence for Kosovo: Yielding to Balkan Reality, Foreign Affairs. Council on Foreign Relations. Kymlicka, W 2002, Multiculturalism and minority rights: West and East. Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, vol. 4, pp. 1-25.  Leyens, JP et al 2001, ‘Psychological essentialism and the differential attribution of uniquely human emotions to in-groups and outgroups’, European Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 31, 395-411. Loughlina, J and Kolossov, V 2002, Still not worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier: the geopolitics of the Kosovo war 1999, Political Geography 21 [Online] Available at: http://www.colorado.edu/ibs/pec/johno/pub/cohen_issue_paper.pdf Ross, MH 1993, The culture of conflict: Interpretations and interests in comparative perspective, pp. 33-50. Yale University Press, New Haven & London. Moore, W and Shellman, S, ‘Fear of persecution: forced migration, 1952-1995’, The Journal of Conflict Resolution, vol. 48, no. 5, pp. 723-745. Murphy, Michael. 2001. The limits of culture in the politics of self-determination. Ethnicities, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 367-88.  Newland, K 1993, ‘Ethnic conflict and refugees’, Survival, vol. 35, no. 1, pp 81-101. News from Kosovo 2002, Ninth assessment of the situation of ethnic minorities in Kosovo. Serbian Orthodox and Diocese of Raska and Prizren. Pilkington, H 1998, ‘The legislative framework: when is a refugee not a refugee?’ In Pilkington, H, Migration, displacement and identity in post-Soviet Russia pp. 35-49, London: Routledge. Report on the violation of human rights and freedoms in Kosovo in 1998, Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF), Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo. Rudolph, C 2001, ‘Constructing an Atrocities Regime: The politics of war crime tribunals’, International Organization, vol. 55, no. 3, pp. 655-691, The MIT Press. Read More
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