The Civil Rights Movement in the American South - Essay Example

Civil Rights The Civil Rights Movement in the American South during the 1940s and 1960s involved a diverse group of people. The movement asked officially permitted enforcement of equality for Black Americans that was assured by the Constitution of United States. At various points between 1945 and 1966, participants in the movement represented all strata of American life. White Americans joined Blacks in the civil rights struggle; southerners as well as northerners disturbed and troubled, Midwesterners and westerners took part, women along with men dissented. Elderly and young Americans were dynamic in the struggle as well; though, middle school to college students came to the struggle much later than the majority. Not until the 1960s did a considerable significant number of youth of America join and add their efforts to the movement. The scholarly works of Lawson and Payne have led them to contradictory opinions of the riotous years from 1945 to 1968. However both provide a gleaming, deviously nuance summary of the period. Charles Payne has thoroughly worked on the definitive study of the civil rights movement in the Delta. Payne divulges the bravery, infatuation, absurdity, and perseverance of thousands of black women and men who worked, against irresistible odds, to take charge of their destiny through his outstanding use of verbal interviews of past. This is the most ample and enlightening study of organizing on the grass-roots echelon that we have, and will be of importance to scholars, students, and activists alike. Lawson captures what is said "the view from the nation," in conflict that "it was the federal government ... that played an indispensable role in shaping the fortunes of the civil rights revolution. It is impossible to understand how Blacks achieved first-class citizenship ... in the South without concentrating on what national leaders ... did to influence the course of events" (p. 3). Explanation of Lawson argues that still after Birmingham and the March on Washington the nation had not been stimulated to crack the "legislative logjam" (p. 29) over an all-inclusive bill of civil rights. Lyndon B. Johnson's congressional wizardry and ethical dedication made it happened. It was as functional as the Selma demonstrations were in getting passage of Voting Rights Act 1965, Lyndon B. Johnson had inculcated the Justice Department to set up the bill "even before the Selma campaign had begun" (p. 32). "Throughout the history of the civil rights struggle, the national state played a key role in determining its outcome" (p. 40). Payne is piercingly critical of the "top-down" (p. 109) theory, asserting that top down approach falls short to value and understand the function ordinary people performed in changing the state, spotlights approximately exclusively on large-scale spectacular events to the disadvantage of "the real and authentic social infrastructure that continued the struggle on daily basis," and highlights only legislative modifications at the cost of perceiving the civil rights movement "as a changing experience for persons" (p. 110). Above all, conceivably, in Payne's opinion, the top-down elucidation promotes a triumphalism that marks off black fundamentals as a fringe anthology of ingrates, overlooking that by the end of their lives, "the gap between Martin Luther King's thoughts" and that of Malcolm X was "less than one might imagine" (p. 133). Payne's logical admiration for great organizers like Ella Baker guides him to view with evident commiseration their diverse feelings about "relatively short-term public events" (p. 125) like Birmingham and Selma that were highly influential in the civil rights revolution. Steven F. Lawson and Charles Payne scrutinize the persons who made the movement an achievement, both at the uppermost level of government and in the grassroots channels. Designed exclusively for college and university courses in American history, this is the best elucidation about the glory and agony of these turbulent times. "Far from being the solution, American institutions have always played important roles in the creation and maintenance of racism. What happened in the movement was that civil rights activists were able to maneuver around those institutions to alleviate some of the worst features of the system."- from Charles Payne's point of view "The federal government played an indispensable role in shaping the fortunes of the civil rights revolution. However, it is impossible to understand how blacks achieved first-class citizenship right in the South without concentrating on what national leaders in Washington, D.C. did to influence the course of events leading to the extension of racial equality. Powerful presidents, congressional lawmakers, and members of the Supreme Court provided the legal instruments to challenge racial segregation and disfranchisement. Without their crucial support, the struggle against white supremacy in the South still would have taken place but would have lacked the power and authority to defeat state government's intent on keeping blacks in subservient positions." -from Steven F. Lawson's essay Payne provided thoughts about activism of community in the 1960s. The organizers from the group of youth who were responsible of change in the state were not lead by any compelling state leader. Far from being a complete break with the past; work of these members of youth was based directly on the effort of an older generation of campaigners like Amzie Moore, Ella Baker, Aaron Henry, Septima Clark and Medgar Evers. Lawson provides particular paths that blacks used means of uplift such as the ballot in securing their rights. According to Lawson a useful peculiarity should be drawn between the black freedom struggle and the civil rights movement. The civil rights movement with its contextual meaning is required to be seen as a separate and coherent part of the longer freedom struggle. Lawson also passed the information on Lyndon Johnson that is helpful in revealing the man and the figure. From this one can realize how much admiration the former President had for the legislative procedure, determinedly heartening those civil rights supports work to change the cultural practice of racial tyranny through state and federally legitimate laws. This state of mind was in noticeable disparity to those who felt irritated with the lethargy of legal means such as Martin Luther King. Though King is mainly heralded as a non-violent figure, Johnson was adamant by King, as an effect of the latter's inclination to undermine the legislature in support of protest. Lawson and Payne are such evenhanded and vigilant intellectuals that many may take the impression that not as much disconnect them in their arguments of debate as is officially recognized. Lawson confesses throughout his explanation that only the intentional formation of crises by King and others strained Washington to perform in really decisive ways. Lawson eventually finishes "The federal government made racial reform possible, but Blacks in the South made it essential" (p. 42). While Payne recognize that "It is not an either/or choice. Scholars believing a more bottom-up approach are not denying the critical importance of national institutions" (p. 111). Works Cited Lawson F. Steven, Payne Charles, Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, November, 1998, ISBN: 0847690547. Read More