Gender Crime Ratios in Relation to the Women Liberation Hypothesis - Essay Example

Gender Crime Ratios in Relation to the Women Liberation Hypothesis Client Inserts His/her Name Client Inserts Grade Course Client Inserts Tutor’s Name 29/08/2012 Introduction In the crime sphere, different cultures and thus societies have had beliefs and norms that categorise females as relatively non-offenders (Davies 2007). Most of the crimes recorded in different neighbourhoods have, allegedly by default, been associated with men. Meanwhile, cultures had confined women as weaker sex especially in the event where major household decisions (Doepke 2008). There was existing paradigms that women were not supposed to carry out administrative duties in the society (Karabekir 2004). The cementing of these paradigms was validated by the fact that women too had held this belief on traditional grounds, and too, there was no sense of unjust relegation in the airs of the past. However, later, this view has been dismissed in a series of processes underpinning traditional norms, in this context, as unfounded especially amidst the fading away of cultural values. The female abilities were increasingly found diverse across the 20th century, while most gender and human rights activists, researchers and scholars worked against gender dominance in various societal role plays (Karabekir 2004). While the previous male dominance got gradually dismissed as the root of gender and/or domestic violence, the paradigm of gender equality popped in (Anderson 2004). The fight to maintain gender equality caused inter-gender conflicts both at household and societal levels (Anderson 2004). However, older females have retained beliefs of the past and therefore the fight has been left to eruptive generation (Baumeister 2002; WHO 2012). Today, not only are females involved in previously avoided fields and/or professions, but also they are involved in different kinds of crimes initially related to men’s abilities. According to Davies (2007), in not quite old past, a typical female criminal was only likely to theft, fraud, drug offences, forgery, embezzlement, and prostitution. It was not likely to be a corporate or computer criminal, a terrorist, a burglar, or a murderer (Davies 2007) as we here today. Gradually, along with the female liberation from the past gender underplay, it is alleged that female-borne criminal cases are increasing. It is this hypothesis that this study attempts to analyse. The intension thereof is to approve or disapprove the allegedly simultaneous rise in young female criminals reaching young males crime levels in terms of nature, while relating to female liberation hypothesis. And yet, supportive comparative facts are also consulted. Relating Women Liberation Hypothesis with the Number of Female Offenders According to Meares (2000), while working on macro-level analysis of patterns of crime cases over space and time, observes that the rates of female young offenders arrested between 1950s and 1960s in England, Wales, Canada and United States were higher than those of young men offenders. The natures of criminal offences also were quite overlapping between genders. Meares (2000) further informs that while the rates of male-initiated offences supposedly remained stagnant or reduced in 1990s that of young females rose constantly. The role young women’s liberation hypothesis in catalysing women’s rates of offending can be traced from various levels. First is the role of the women to fight for gender co-dominance at household levels. The cultural ties from the past have indicated ill-treatment of females collective (WHO 2012) following incrimination of subordination of women leading eruption of domestic violence. In the Caribbean, Central and South America, male counterparts’ dominance in family governance has been observed to reduce while young married women-initiated family indifferences and conflicts are on the rise. The cause of gender equality, according to Doepke (2008), has led to various dramatic progresses. For instance, the attitude towards themselves of the young women has completely changed. Of late, feminine gender develop early negativism and subsequent ‘superiority complex’ amidst passive opposition from the somehow retained male domineering as regards differentiation of the abilities of either genders in playing particular societal roles. The result is negative impacting on the women’s audacity thence triggering a sharp increase in females committing of various offences. Ideally, there exist gaps between the number of arrested young women and those of young men. However, these gaps are as a result of various factors. For example, while focusing on similar criminal charges, the numbers of women acquitted on gender favouritism and sex driven judicial corruptions are much higher in the developing countries where judicial processes have been alleged biased. Besides, most women offenders have been seen to self-report their crimes and on such basis, more women offenders are offered clemency and thus acquitted than men. If these allegations and argument lines are things to go by, it is completely irrational to conclude that the gaps thereof are genuine. The positivism paradigm that includes assumptions that the number of crimes committed by females cannot be posed as congruent to the emergence of women liberation regime has been proven unfounded (Baumeister 2002). Young women of ages between 20 and 40 years have been involved in politics and other vital social and economic capacities (Davies 2007). Their inclusion in various corrupt political spaces in various governments has rendered them prone to related crimes. In recent past, it was hardly possible to relate women in political crimes including abuse of public offices, misuse of power and capacity, misappropriation of public funds and amenities among other white collar crimes. This was for the fact that women never possessed political rights as exemplified by limited access to political decision making such as casting votes (Baumeister 2002). Similarly, women were denied the capacity to lead and thus low proneness to related crimes. In the 20th century, however, the growth of women liberation initiated in the 19th century has seen many women crop out in various leadership capacities (Baumeister 2002). Incidentally, various economic crises have been the driving factors in exposing women to criminal landscape. Where prostitution has been illegalized for instance, many women fall victims for the practice, allegedly meant to make ends meet at household levels. The cases of single mothers (who are, on average, more that single parent fathers) open women to economic sufferance as much as possible (Baumeister 2002). In extreme cases, many young women have been observed to indulge in prostitution and larceny theft (Davies 2007). The issue of gender based domestic violence is another crucial driving force that has exposed young married and unmarried women turn into quite defective delinquents (Henderson & Kambon 2009; WHO 2012). Women murder their husbands and/or suspected external women thought to be on the verge of destroying marriage coherence (WHO 2012). It has been noted that the goals of women are different to those of men and thus offences such as the latter are currently dominated by young women. Their goals and values revolve around forming firm family coherence violators of which expose women to domestic instigated murders than men (Davies 2007). Additionally, as family wealth is dominated by husbands, the fight for equal share and domestic decisions in the economic context blend women weak in terms of temperament control (Henderson & Kambon 2009). For this, there have been more cases of women murdering their husbands and cheating on them than with the men murdering their wives. Following the same line of argument, Davies (2007) informs about the high levels of women intoxication with hard drugs to calm hits of domestic economic crises. Young women are involved in crimes such as drug trafficking and use (Henderson & Kambon 2009). Initially, men were the sole merchants of hard drugs as well as use. Meares (2000) fundamentally supports the statement that chances of women committing offences have been low but are gradually rising. Ironically, World Youth (2003) dismisses this argument and suggests that most young women shy away from dark and/or lonely streets and that committing crime for women mostly occurs in group formations that include by large, a larger proportion of men. Similarly, while others researchers and analysts disregard relationship between young women offending and the rising of crime initiated by women cases, Davies (2007) gives numerical records of various crimes committed in 1992 and compares with those committed in 2002, to indicate differences in a logical span of 10 years. The crimes consulted include larceny theft, driving under influence, drug abuse violations and fraud (Davies 2007). In 1992, the number of females arrested for driving under influence suspicions and who pleaded guilty stood at 156 584 in the U.S. In 2002 the number rose to 220 114 (Davies 2007). For the same crime, the number of men stood at 755 933 and in 2002, this number dropped to 701 562 (Davies 2007). If the above data could be used for analysis, the first observation of note is that there exists a large gap between the numbers of women criminals and those of men in any one year. Up to this point, the allegation that the young women offending cases almost catches up with that of young men in similar crimes is unfounded. However, when considering the indicated rising rates of women incrimination from the same scenario (the statistics above), it is perhaps, though completely hypothetical, that the gap therein will soon close up. Surprising is the fact that the number of crimes committed by men is falling. Therefore, even if the number of offences committed by young women were to stagnate, eventually, the statistics can be hypothesized to tally in a similar way for both genders in the near future. The number of crimes committed by women over space and time, on average, takes a rising trend. On a test conducted on randomly selected 55 inmates in the U.S. indicate that released women’s hardening even more after a jail term. The recidivism test carried out on these inmates recorded higher than what was previously hypothesized. 4 out of the 55 inmates were rearrested a second time while 7 out of the 55 had been previously arrested for other charges. While 5 were under 25 years of age and 8 beyond 50 years of age, the rest were between 26 and 49 years old (Curry & Pan 1998). This indicates that the high and rising rates of women offenders in various statistics are things to go by (Curry & Pan 1998). Specifically, young women are displayed as bold and daring as the majority in the above statistics presents the largest number in the randomly selected female inmate to fall below 50 years of age. In the fight against gender dominance, women are more likely to become hostile due to the inherent limiting traditional and cultural factors (WHO 2012). Women have become aware of their rights at relatively low age in recent times, a phenomenon that never existed in the past. However, low ability to cognitively establish limits or thresholds beyond which the fight may lead to violent actions expose young women to crime landscape. Despite the negative implication of the women liberation hypothesis in this context, it is a progressive process. According to Doepke (2008), women liberation process is still far from halfway. The process started with allowing of women to engage in political scene for example by allowing female voting. Gender equality achievement has taken a sluggish mode, despite the freeing of women will to participate in various activities initially left for men. In most societies of the developing world, cultural values are still retained and stiff. The women in these societies retain the belief in the inappropriateness of women to participate or to be involved in various duties such as economic role plays at domestic levels. In some communities, a woman is not even supposed to acquire particular levels of knowledge (World Youth 2003). However, as the recognition of the feminine gender takes toll in various countries in fields such as military and armoury, higher education and high public offices, activism erupts (World Youth 2003) and such allegedly retrogressive cultural holdings are scattering apart. Doepke (2008) summarizes that most female instigated crimes are associated with educated young women. The implication thereof is that the more women are educated, the more they become aware of their diverse roles and when these roles tend to be inhibited by male dominance, the women elites hop in to fight incessantly (World Youth 2003). Serial crimes at national level as well as at international levels that are female-borne are mostly engineered by women elites (Anderson 2004). Still in this line of argument, most marriages break up when women become ‘excessively’ wise over different issues. For this, most divorces are observed wherever educated wives’ opinions are dismissed at household levels. Generally, if the man loses control of family leadership and ably catering, conflicts arise. As reiterated above, in extreme cases, violence initiated thus assumes grave natures or forms such as murder and larceny theft. According to WHO (2012), it will take men a time of rethinking their position in the household and societal window, and stir a self-driven acceptance of equality as a norm. Basically, women continue to press on the urge to act and be involved in the so called masculine role play in a continuum of gender competition (World Youth 2003). So far, even though rates do not actually fair up in different duties (Anderson 2004), women are actively seen in action and especially in the political scene. Various governments have subdued the male domineering by appraising policies that favour the feminine gender, as it is evident in the current ‘girl child’ and the place of the women in the society thinking lines. Meanwhile, having been lent a boosting hand, women aspire to do ‘men-like’ activities, including crimes (Anderson 2004). Conclusion The argument of the women liberation hypothesis that the number of young women involved in various crimes is currently matching that of young men in the same context is not necessarily true. Actually, there exist significant gaps between the number of arrested young women and those of young men. However, these gaps are as a result of various factors. For example, while focusing on similar criminal charges, the numbers of women acquitted on gender favouritism and sex driven judicial corruptions are much higher in the developing countries where judicial processes have been alleged biased. Besides, most women offenders have been seen to self-report their crimes and on such basis, more women offenders are offered clemency and thus acquitted than men. If these allegations and argument lines are things to go by, it is completely irrational to conclude that the gaps thereof are genuine. Women have become aware of their rights at relatively low age in recent times, a phenomenon that never existed in the past. However, low ability to cognitively establish limits or thresholds beyond which the fight may lead to violent actions expose young women to crime landscape. Despite the negative implication of the women liberation hypothesis in this context, it is a progressive process. Women liberation process is still far from halfway (Doepke 2008). Basically, women continue to press on the urge to act and be involved in the so called masculine role play in a continuum of gender competition. So far, even though rates do not actually fair up in different duties, women are actively seen in action and especially in the political scene. Various governments have subdued the male domineering by appraising policies that favour the feminine gender, as it is evident in the current ‘girl child’ and the place of the women in the society thinking lines. Sadly for women, in the paradigm of positivism in gender equality, they mistakenly indulge themselves in criminal activities. List of References Anderson, M. 2004. Cultural Shaping of Violence: Victimization, Escalation and Response. Indiana: Purdue University Press. Pp41-52. Baumeister, R.F. 2002. Cultural Suppression of Female Sexuality. Review of General Psychology, 6: 2, pp166–200. Curry, G.D. and Pan, W.Q. 1998. Correctional Administration and Recidivism among Female Inmates. Research Paper 9201, pp. 2-9. Davies, S.M. 2007. Female Criminality. Women Offenders, Part IV, pp192-207. Doepke, M. 2008. Women’s Liberation: What’s in it for Men? Journal of Economic Growth 9:8, pp168–83. Henderson, G. and Kambon, A. 2009. Exploring Policy Linkages Between Poverty, Crime and Violence: A Look at Three Caribbean States. New York: United Nations Publications. pp6-31. Karabekir, J. 2004. Performance as a Strategy for Women’s Liberation. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, pp1-33. Meares, T.L. 2000. Crime and Gender. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, pp2918-20. WHO. 2012. Violence against women by intimate partners. Gender, women and health, pp1. World Youth. 2003. The Situation of Girls and Young Women. World Youth Report, pp249-67. Read More