In addition, crimes related to women also saw an increase over the same period, especially with women as offenders or victims. This is in spite of the overall trend of crime from the national crime statistics showing a decline in crime across almost all categories. As such, this may indicate that, although it is widely recognized that women are far less likely to commit crimes than men are, the nature of crimes committed by women may provide an argument against the validity of these statistics.
Ball and Drury (2012: p8) argue that male offenders, despite being consistently implicated as the major drivers of crime, have not been objectified by crime statistics because criminology does not delineate males and females in crime. However, the Criminal Justice Act 1991 in section 95 requires that statistical data presented by the government assess the probability of gender bias in the treatment of offenders and victims in the criminal justice system (Criminal Justice Act 1991). Indeed, an analysis of current crime statistics provided by the government shows a significant difference in the types and levels of crime between males and females. One of the areas that a significant difference is noted involves the types and levels of victimization with Drakulich (2015: p112) estimating that most women who suffer from risk of violence are victimised by acquaintances, compared to men who normally experience violence from strangers. In this case, most women in England and Wales are victims of violence meted by intimate partners or family members, particularly regarding stalking, sexual assault, force, threats, and non-physical abuse than men. Since these crimes are rarely reported, it may be surmised that they are not included in the national crime statistics.
The above summation is also supported by the fact that reports of crime among young girls, especially with regards to being victims of violence,