The Political and Economic Integration of Europe - Essay Example

?The Political and Economic Integration of Europe Introduction The first step of analysing the progress of the European Union (EU) is to view the actual integration and the actual changes taking place in the economic and political structure. Eleftherios Botsas, in his work, claims that the EU’s political and economic structure, made up of the three primary economic segments, services, industry, and agriculture, is being shaped by the market processes with differing levels of social control by national administrations (Jones & Verdun 2005). The study of Botsas shows the presence of a significant gap between the EU’s North and South, or, simply put, between the peripheral and the central regions, in all three political economic segments. In the agricultural sector, the South mirrors developing nations more than developed ones. The manufacturing segment also verifies this dualism, with the fact that the North has a lead in the accumulation of human capital, whereas the South focuses in resource-exhaustive goods and services (El-Aggra 2007). Ultimately, in the service area the South and the North encounter qualitative disparities, particularly in commercial services (Jones & Verdun 2005). These structural gaps have a tendency to orient the drive and the makeup of the capitalist class in the EU. The subject matter is examined by Kees Van der Pijl and Otto Holman, who assert that capital stands for a capably world-enveloping political and economic force, organising functions and patterns of awareness and behaviour (Eilstrup-Sangiovanni 2006). Nevertheless, the contexts where in a bourgeoisie develop and forms into a conscious political and economic force are real. In an integrated and historically informed model, the authors began their study with an explanation of the ‘postwar corporate-liberal restructuring of capitalist relations’ (Jones & Verdun 2005, 68) generally and particularly, the power of the bourgeois. Afterwards, they proceed to the emergence of global neoliberalism as a reorganising force on current, primarily countrywide, power compositions. Lastly, they focus on the most powerful global business group, the European Round Table of Industrialists (ERT), and its function as a policy-forming organisation (Nugent 2006). The authors explain that this association has been serving a significant function in strengthening a particular level of cohesion among the dominant social institutions in Europe. This essay will discuss explain the level of integration of the EU in terms of economy and politics. Political and Economic Facts of the European Integration Of primary importance to this subject matter has been the task performed by the petty bourgeoisie. Vassilis Pesmazoglou and Antigone Lyberaki study just a sector of this social level, the small- and medium-sized industrialists of the business sector, emphasising the position that the examination of this group should be situated within wider macroeconomic developments (Dinan 2006). The intention at this point is to analyse the diversity of initiatives and policy proposals related to the continuation and propagation of small- and medium-sized businesses, both as a reaction to the depression and as a way of surpassing it. Having elaborated the most prominent current theoretical paradigm for small and medium- sized businesses, the researchers then analyse the information at hand, contending more particularly with concerns regarding work conditions, compensation, and employment production, as well as the operation of business districts (O’Brennan 2006). Their claim is that the context of the EU provides some relevant ideas regarding the policy matters concerned in the reinforcement of smaller organisations. Nevertheless, the authors argue that small- and medium-sized businesses within the EU will confront some challenging difficulties, such as competition with and adjustment to bigger companies, corporations, and multinationals (Dinan 2006). This discussion about the petty bourgeoisie will demonstrate how the group serves as a contributing force to the political and economic integration of the EU. The relevance of the petty bourgeoisie can be situated in EU’s agricultural sector. Napoleon Maraveyas studies this by claiming that substantial disparities among the agricultural hierarchies, and the agricultural structures of all the member states, remain in the EU (Jones & Verdun 2005). The researcher ascribes this diversity to the distinct historical, political and social developments and to the climactic and natural features of these societies. The study focuses initially on the agricultural disparities and inequalities among the member states of the EU (Jones & Verdun 2005). Afterwards the researcher analyses the processes and the changes initiated to the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in order to explain the oppositions concerned in the expression of the interests of the farmers in Europe, as articulated through the agricultural groups in Europe. These oppositions have contributed to the apparent, specifically, the preservation of the social inequalities between member states and regions (Nugent 2006). As stated by Maraveyas, after thirty years of the use of the CAP (Jones & Verdun 2005), the reality exists that there has not been a significant integration of the agricultural structures among the member states. Social inequalities are also present among the urban working class of the EU, a sizeable fraction of which comprise ‘third world’ or foreign locals (McCormick 2002). Patrick Ireland studies the difficulties these foreign nationals encounter in attempting to take part in the EU, claiming that European integration has certainly had a political impact on immigrant groups, with the fact that they are creating novel, European-ranked types of organisation and patterns of unity (Nicoll & Salmon 2001). Nevertheless, the reality exists that foreign-born nationals, even more than native Europeans, have stumbled upon obstacles when attempting to take part in the policy-making process of the EU. The social diversity involved also influences the outlooks of individuals toward European integration (McDonald & Deardon 1999). George A. Kourvetaris and Andreas G. Kourvetaris study the ethnic and cultural aspects of this subject matter, employing information from interviews with delegates and representatives from the EU member states and available literature. The researchers claim that although economic and, somewhat, political integration has been the primary emphasis of EU, ethnic and cultural concerns, such as nationalism, language, integration, and related concepts, have not been answered by most Europeans (Jones & Verdun 2005). The researchers assume that even though majority of Europeans have common values, they recognise themselves originally as members of individual ethnic or racial groups and second as Europeans. The authors discerned that the contrary is an attribute in the United States (Jones & Verdun 2005). The researchers argue that while the development toward political and economic integration will unite Europeans, only time will divulge the level to which cultural and ethnic integration will occur. An issue which has broadly been studied in the EU is the manner social interests are voiced and manifested. The work of Philippe C. Schmitter and Wolfgang Streeck explains this issue from a particular perspective: the researchers study the mechanisms of pluralist interest expression and corporatism, claiming that the European Union contributes to the progress of the former (O’Brennan 2006). The explanation for this is that, organised labour in the European Union not merely has been weakly organised but there has never been an actual likelihood of an equally organising relationship impact between labour and the other two primary forces in the political economy as well—the state and capital (O’Brennan 2006). This implies that in the European Union there is no machinery available to justify the political structure and set up corporatist absolute control of representation. Social interests are articulated at the political stage as well, through political parties (Kourvetaris & Moschonas 1996). The morphology and development of the political parties of the EU are studied by Karl Magnus Johansson. His study explains the characteristic of transnational party collaboration within the EU and the centre between political parties, transnational and national, and the process of integration (Jones & Verdun 2005). The assumption is that generally the party federations and particularly the political groups are experiencing regular mergers and alignments. The author thinks that in order to make sense of the characteristic of political parties in Europe, one has to become aware of the characteristic of local and national politics (Jones & Verdun 2005). Furthermore, he claims that the surfacing parties in Europe are not mass parties, and that they failed to mobilise public opinion. Rather, they bear a resemblance to the political parties in America in the sense that they are active mainly regarding elections and function as media for rivalling elites (El-Aggra 2007). The political parties of Europe express and voice out political, economic, and social interests mostly within the institutionalised instrument of the European Parliament (EP) (El-Aggra 2007). The roles, development, history, and influence of this institution are studied by Juliet Lodge. She claims that the functions and duties of the EP, and alongside those of its political parties, have altered remarkably since the late 1970s, when the initial Euro-elections took place (O’Brennan 2006). In reality, the mutual relationship between the EP and the parties has become more and more substantial, and will become one of the primary attributes of institutional growth throughout the 1990s (Jacquemin & Jovanovic 1997). The provisions of the Maastrict Treaty have certainly reinforced the task of the EP in the institutional structure of the European Union. And as remarked by Lodge, small progressive changes have possible major repercussions for the use of power and influence by the progressive bicameral legislature of the EC: the ‘Council and the European Parliament’ (Jones & Verdun 2005, 71). In spite of its importance to the EU, the researcher assumes the very presence of the EP generates fear among member states. She wraps up with a positive idea specifically that the function of the EP will enlarge and in due course convert Europe into a liberal and federal democratic polity (Jones & Verdun 2005). The Maastricht Treaty has altered the interaction between national states and EU institutions as well, with the establishment of the Commission of the Regions (McCormick 2002). Andreas Moschonas, in European Union and Local Government, examines this new rapport with regards to the challenges created by the internationalisation and integration process. The interesting argument stated by the author is that an accurate knowledge of the institutional developments in progress necessitates an analysis of the structural changes taking place in the societies and economies of Europe in a period of internationalisation and integration (Kourvetaris & Moschonas 1996). The major premise is that the justification for the creation of the regional-local authorities in the period of economic reorganisation and depression depends in the necessity to cultivate the progress of the domestic forces of the territories (Kourvetaris & Moschonas 1996). Hence the integration of Europe, established by the Maastrict Treaty, is an immediate reaction to these political and economic demands. This discussion evokes a wider debate on the integration of Europe and the challenge for economic and political merger. The work of Gianni Bonvicini provides a general idea of the historical procedure which resulted in the arrangements of the European Union (Nugent 2006). Bonvicini focuses on the characteristic and procedure of the integration of Europe by examining the integration conditions. Particularly, he examines the Maastricht Treaty and the weakening of public advocacy which destabilises the 1986 Single European Act (El-Aggra 2007). He studies the explanations for the weakening of public support and presents potential solutions for the integration process. More particularly, the researcher underlines the actual implications and the informal experiences gained from the use of particular strategies and decision-making tools to the formation of Europe. Two states of affairs are suggested for the future: ‘one is the consolidation of the Maastricht arrangements, and the other is the quick and sharp revision of Maastricht’ (Jones & Verdun 2005, 74). The conclusion of the researcher is that Europe’s future will be the outcome of an informal fusion of various standards, such as a combination of institutional processes, the use of the premise of subsidiarity, and the belief of the public about the guarantees given by the involvement in the integration process (El-Aggra 2007). The process toward political unity and institutional formation does not occur within predetermined external borders, since the EU still confronts the issue of enlargement. The restrictions of the European Union in the perspective of enlargement are an issue studied by Nicholas V. Gianaris. He claims that, even though there are profoundly entrenched ethnic and cultural differences, and numerous uncertainties and disputes may seem in the enlargement process, the thrust should stay permanent (Jones & Verdun 2005). This is because, in order for the European Union to realise its major objectives, specifically, “peace and the refusal to decline,” (ibid, p. 75) it should be expanded to an absolute membership of all the countries in Europe. He further suggests that enlargement will rely on the success of the integration of Europe. His primary argument is that a steady enlargement of the European Union will generate more trade, which will result in political and economic strength. The correlation between European security and enlargement, and issues of civil-military generally, are additionally explained by Kostas Messas (Eilstrup-Sangiovanni 2006). He argues that European integration has provided its core components important experience in forming a paradigm within which nationalist ambitions are reduced. Hence the EU should take into account accepting several countries in Eastern Europe interested in becoming members (Eilstrup-Sangiovanni 2006). Moreover, the researcher claims that Europe requires a wide-ranging paradigm of stability and security for European integration to be successful. A realisation of this enormity can merely be achieved through military, economic, and political cooperation among the main players in the region. Conclusions In conclusion, it must be clarified that the discussions here are not all on issues initially required, and hence the general consistency is not as inclusive as the author aimed it to be. Nevertheless, there is an apparent pluralism in the discussion with regard to diversity of arguments articulated and the different frameworks used. There is also a deliberate attempt to use political and economic analysis in the investigation of major issues of the integration of Europe. However, one thing is apparent from the different scholastic arguments: the political and economic integration of Europe is still underway. References Amin, A ed., (1995). Globalization, Institutions and Regional Development in Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press Dinan, Desmond., (2006). Origins and Development of the European Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press Eilstrup-Sangiovanni M., (2006). Debates on European Integration: A reader. New York: Palgrave MacMillan El-Aggra, A M., (2007). The European Union: economics and policies. London: Cambridge University Press Jacquemin, A. & Jovanovic, M.M., (1997). European Economic Integration: Limits and Prospects. London: Routledge. Jones, E. & Verdun, A., (2005). The Political Economy of European Integration: Theory and Analysis. New York: Routledge. Kourvetaris, G. & Moschonas, A., (1996). 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