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An Assessment of The Role of Media in the Gulf War - Essay Example

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This work called "An Assessment of The Role of Media in the Gulf War" describes the role of media prior to the Gulf War. The author takes into account the role of the media in the Gulf War and how they were used as tools for the government to manufacture consent and ensure the remarkable implementation of the ideas behind the propaganda model…
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An Assessment of The Role of Media in the Gulf War
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Extract of sample "An Assessment of The Role of Media in the Gulf War"

Introduction The Persian Gulf War or simply known as the Gulf War was highly exposed on the international television through a live coverage via CNN and other American Networks. This war was covered live and the actual coverage was made possible through constant and dynamic interaction between the press and the American armies in the battle field and generally the American government. For this reason, it is important to highlight the relevant role of the media in the Gulf War. The role of media prior to the Gulf War Prior to the actual Gulf War, the US government was able to sell its policies and hopes to secure a legitimate consensus. The media were used in the process. Propaganda was remarkable for the purpose of gaining support. It was a way for the government prior to the actual war to instill in the mind of the public to create that remarkable idea of who are the good ones and the bad ones. Therefore, the propaganda, in relation to allow the government to successfully secure a legitimate consensus, was a way of demonizing the enemy and exposing those who might not fit in the figure of what is supposed to be considered right. For instance, the media are capable of providing information. The given information can stand as the fundamental component that will allow the crowd or audience to bear in mind what they heard, observed or saw. This in the long run could be an effective way to promote essential suggestion on what to believe or put into consideration as the truth. There are various theories linked to this argument. One is in line with the fundamental idea associated with the theory of manufacturing consent. The manufacturing consent states that the mass media of the United States “are effective and powerful ideological institutions that carry out a system-supportive propaganda function by reliance on market forces, internalized assumptions, and self-censorship, and without overt coercion” (Herman & Chomsky, 2011, p.306). Chomsky argued that America has indoctrination system in which the system of propaganda imposed by the media could be counted in (Robinson, 2005, p.9; Smith, 2004, p.202; Ames & Hershock, 2008, p.247). In other words, the US had sophisticated means to control the essential information that the people should understand or believe among themselves. The media therefore stand as the ultimate force to control the people of what to consider as the ultimate reality and what they should bear in mind as the ultimate truth for the humanity. Prior to the event of the Gulf War, if one will base it on the theory of manufacturing consent, the US has significant influence on how the public viewed Iraq and together its prevailing political stand that may had eventually stood against the US’s. The media were used as substantial instruments for the US to acclimatize the public about the belief system that Iraq was at the wrong side, allowing the former to gain consensus of the possible war attack against the latter that would still look relevant in the context of diplomacy. The US is known for its ability to ensure diplomacy in almost all of its undertakings from the past and at present. The ultimate way to make this as a possibility is to consider the use of the media. However, the usage alone cannot guarantee that the media will be able to optimise its influence on the public. There is a prevailing concept of indoctrination in the government, which can be truly revealed from how the media was being controlled by government’s actual intention. Chomsky believed that the American media have filters in forms of ownership, advertising, news makers, and news shapers that are capable of fueling the interests of those who are in control by limiting debate and media content. However, it is clear that the control came from the US government as far as the case of Gulf War is concerned. The actual control of the US started already since the onset of the Gulf War. The role of media during the Gulf War However, during the Gulf War the US government was able to formulate strategies in order to have more direct control of the journalists. This was made possible in many ways. However, in particular, there were new technologies showcased in the Gulf War including a satellite that made it possible for war coverage (Moore, 2001). During the war, the media were able to get access to military technological innovations like those weapons with hi-tech monitoring system against the Iraqi targets (Mander, 1999, p.89; Lader, 2010, p.287). This allowed the television networks at that time to rely heavily on the information given to them by the military (Sterling, 2008, p.204; Messenger, 2013, p.352). CNN’s live reporting was the one of the crucial highlights of the role of the media in the Persian Gulf War that lasted from August 2, 1990 until February 28, 1991 as a result of Iraq’s ambitious goal to invade and annex Kuwait, which triggered a response from the UN’s authorized coalition force as spearheaded by the US to wage war against Iraq. During the Gulf War, CNN had 24-hour coverage, which led this network to gain a substantial popularity in the world (Salwen, Garrison & Driscoll, 2004, p.54; Bennett, 2013, p.83). However, based on the concept of “CNN effect”, there is a prevailing view that the 24-hour news cycle must have significant impact on states’ foreign policy (Norris, 1997, p.291; Cox & Stokes, 2012, p.165). As noted, based on the manufacturing consent, the system-supportive propaganda must have to be considered to ensure the hold of the government of achieving consensus primarily in the event of the on-going Gulf War. The government does not want to allow the media to set the agenda in this case, because if the latter will do so, the achievement of a system-supportive propaganda will not be initiated in the end. This is a potential risk that the government viewed concerning the relevance of the CNN effect primarily in the case of Gulf War. In fact, the media as part of the profit institutions have to run for profit, which might be a little farther from what the government expected to hit as a goal in the long run. In fact, long before the Gulf War, there were already dominant mass-media outlets, firms that are motivated to continue to run for profit and always allow owners to ensure their financial interests (Paul & Elder, 2006, p.18; Surlin & Soderlund, 1990, p.231; Smith, 2008, p.59). It is noted that the media outlets cannot be financially productive without the support of advertisers (Curran & Seaton, 2003, p.391). On the other hand, the routine news sources are controlled by the powerful groups that ensure low-cost production of the media and in making news, which is the main reason why the non-routine sources have struggled for access (Herman & Chomsky, 2011, p.306). Added to this, organized, powerful groups have the capability to deter facts or opinions for the sake of ensuring their advantage (Herman & Chomsky, 2011, p.306). The Gulf War was making a remarkable story, which triggered potential return of investment on the part of the CNN. The world was willing to listen the current affairs with respect to the on-going war with the US and Iraq. However, Herman and Chomsky argued that there is a great risk, which primarily be brought by the media if not controlled by the government, because the media, especially the most influential and powerful ones have the potential to deter facts or opinions. This was a major risk that the US would want to consider in the midst of an ongoing Gulf War. As a result, as stated, the media should rely on the information given by the military and no other reporting to the world should go beyond that. This was for the sake of ensuring that the US government will still be able to hold on to its ultimate propaganda in the ongoing war. This was a significant strategy that will allow government to have more direct control of the journalists. In addition, as already stated, the government employed hi-tech gadgets and war paraphernalia and armaments and in the process, journalists will have to inquire the armies concerning their linked technicalities and the actual procedures of their usage in the war. This was a remarkable strategy of the government, as an integral component of trying to ensure the message straight across the world and to inform the people of the US’s actual stand on the war and why it must have to be initiated in the first place. However, these issues were significant foundations that were able to lead to the actual criticism of the US government and its actual dominance in the war. Some would say that such scenario was just solely trying to establish the ultimate point or stand of the US. In doing this, the media played a great role to impart the significant message. There was a criticism that the American TV networks during the Gulf War did not provide balance report coverage because press were observed as just a way to magnify solely the American Military perspective (Kuypers, 2013, p.74; Kuypers, 2002, p.239; Dumas, 1995, p.251). This argument is a significant point that tries to justify Chomsky’s manufacturing consent. However, there is a suggestion in order to probably eliminate the possibility of allowing this to take place. The creative work of human according to Chomsky is responsible for managing media content, because this is one of the ways to prevent elite to take control or allow private ownership of public resources to prevail and profits to surge higher. In other words, Chomsky was trying to establish the point that the media though they can be the perfect channels of information, they can also be used to bend the truth, but the ultimate way so as to prevent this from taking place is to consider the importance of creativity, allowing diverse views to surface and the possibility of bias and suppression of truth can possibly be eliminated. This clearly justify that the existence of manufacturing consent is a way of possibly eliminating the truth and allowing the successful implementation of propaganda or other hidden agenda. For this reason, the media must have to play a vital role in the society. The role of the media in the democratic society should substantially allow creativity to surface, because that will be a way to allow the public to have control over the political process in a democracy and keep the government accountable (Lichtemberg, 2003; Saverse, 2002, p.244; Keller, 2011, p.211; Lichtenberg, 1990, p.1). For Lichtemberg, the press has a great role in insuring democracy is functioning well, because of their accountability and transparency to the political process by informing the public. The truth in this case should prevail and responsible journalism should be a great area of ethical and moral concern. This argument will finally lead to the actual concern pertaining to the validity of Chomsky’s theory. The validity of Chomsky’s theory If critically analyzed, Chomsky considered the US government with substantial capacity to initiate a social control mechanism. In reality, culture and organisational government led to the control of the people. In fact, a significant argument revealed that next to “anticommunism”, the “war on terror” has become the major social control mechanism (Chomsky, 2011, p.29). Various American TV networks were trying to report Iraq and Saddam as a remarkable threat because of the terror they might have eventually possessed. The war on terror was the major trend of the live reporting during that time, which was prior to Gulf War and during its emancipation. However, it was clear in the history that the US was supporting Iraq by supplying weapons to Saddam only a few years earlier in the Iran-Iraq War. This how the US was able to manufacture consent and allow making the world understand that war on terror was necessary. It was the agenda that the US successfully achieved. The government’s control over the war Based on Chomsky’s manufacturing consent, Lichtemberg’s argument that the media should ensure government accountability and so on is clearly argued. The US government in the entire duration of the Gulf War was trying to manipulate the information in order to portray the war as just. In the first place, the government was so concerned about the CNN effect, which according to the idea of Chomsky will suppress the existence of creativity, and to allow the probable concerns of a few powerful influences to take control in the process rather than the government itself. If the US government was not so concerned with its propaganda and initiating to manufacture consent, it should have allowed the TV networks to report with all creativity and not worry about the CNN effect. It should have allowed the media or press to have access to information without the probable influence coming solely from the military operations. However, the actual access to information is not yet enough. In the context of media reporting, the understanding is necessary or required, which paves the way to knowing how blogs and self-generated news reportage for instance conform to or differ from the propaganda model (Authors@Google: Noam Chomsky, 2008). Conclusion The work at hand just presented the role of the media in the Gulf War and how they were used as tools for the government to manufacture consent and ensure the remarkable implementation of the ideas behind the propaganda model. References Ames, R. T., & Hershock, P. D. (2008). Educations and Their Purposes: A Conversation Among Cultures. Michigan: University of Hawaii Press. Authors@Google: Noam Chomsky (2008). Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rnLWSC5p1XE#t=27m38s Bennett, D. (2013). Digital Media and Reporting Conflict: Blogging and the BBC’s Coverage of War and Terrorism. New York, NY: Routledge. Chomsky, N. (2011). Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda. Seven Stories Press. Cox, M., & Stokes, D. (2012). US Foreign Policy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Curran, J., & Seaton, J. (2003). Power Without Responsibility: The Press, Broadcasting, and New Media in Britain. London: Psychology Press. Dumas, L. J. (1995). The Socio-economics of Conversion from War to Peace. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. Herman, E. S. & Chomsky, N. (2011). Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Random House LLC. Kuypers, J. A. (2002). Press Bias and Politics: How the Media Frame Controversial Issues. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. Kuypers, J. A. (2013). Partisan Journalism: A History of Media Bias in the United States. Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield. Lader, C. (2010). Advanced Placement United States Government and Politics. Hauppauge, NY: Barron’s Educational Series. Lichtenberg, J. (1990). Democracy and the Mass Media: A Collection of Essays. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mander, M. S. (1999). Framing Friction: Media and Social Conflict. University of Illinois Press. Messenger, C. (2013). Reader’s Guide to Military History. New York, NY: Routledge. Moore, F. (2001). New Tools Showed Gulf War on TV. Retrieved from http://chotank.com/frazmoore.html Norris, P. (1997). Politics and the Press: The News Media and Their Influences. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Paul, R., & Elder, L. (2006). The Thinker’s Guide for Conscientious Citizens on how to Detect Media Bias & Propaganda in National and World News. Foundation Critical Thinking. Robinson, P. (2005). The CNN effect: The Myth of News, Foreign Policy and Intervention. New York, NY: Routledge. Salwen, M. B., Garrison, B., & Driscoll, P. D. (2004). Online News and the Public. Mahwah, NJ: Routledge. Saverse, R. (2002). Comunicazione e cris: media, conflitti e societa. Milan: Franco Angeli. Smith, N. (2004). Chomsky: Ideas and Ideals (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. Smith, G. S. (2008). Networks of Empire: The US State Department’s Foreign Leader Program in the Netherlands, France, and Britain 1950-1970. Brussels: Peter Lang. Sterling, C. H. (2008). Military Communications: From Ancient Times to the 21st Century. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. Surlin, S. H., & Soderlund, W. C. (1990). Mass Media and the Caribbean. London: Taylor & Francis. Keller, P. (2011). European and International Media Law: Liberal Democracy, Trade, and the New Media. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Read More
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