cially true in the face of the continuing increase of the gap between the rich and the poor, the developed and the poor countries brought about by globalization, a product of the Western capitalism.
Further on, the Manifesto still proves to be an important resource in the examination and analysis of international relations. Particularly, its four main arguments are still applicable in how the radical theory of international relations can be fashioned. These arguments are those that emphasize: class struggle and the constitutive power of labor; the revolutionary dynamic of industrial capitalism; dependence and uneven development in the global system; and, the centrality of the notion of crisis. (Marx and Cowling, p. 192)
Critics of the Communist Manifesto argued that its philosophies are no longer relevant today. The fall of the Soviet Union, for many critics, was the ultimate evidence of the falsity of Marxist ideals. More direct assault on the philosophies found in the Communist Manifesto cited those atrocities committed in the name of Marxism, Stalin’s purges, Mao’s Cultural Revolution and Pol Pot’s killing fields.
Then, according to Glaser and Walker, there is an absence today of a successful and sustained Marxist revolution and that the persistence of capitalism must be accounted for. (p. 4) China is a case in point. The country has been increasingly becoming a fodder for those anti-Marxists, stating that the country only achieved its unprecedented economic growth, allowing it to improve the lives of the masses, when it opened up its market and adopted certain elements of capitalism.
In second Chapter of the Manifesto, Marx extensively discussed the bourgeois and the proletarians. These two classes was Marx’s version of the freeman and slave, patrician and plebian, lord and serf – the oppressor and oppressed – in the class struggle happening in the society at-large. (p. 6) According to Marx, “modern industry has converted the little workshop